Iran Europe Relations

This book provides an assessment of relations between Iran and Europe, identifying the areas of common interest as well as the issues of conflict, whilst putting contemporary relations into their proper context with an account of their development since the early years of the twentieth century. Written by a former diplomat who served as the first Iranian ambassador to post-reunification Germany, this book shows that despite the recent deterioration of relations between Iran and the West, Iran has enjoyed a long history of cultural, economic and political ties with many European nations such as Germany. The book explores important historical episodes, including Iran’s support of Germany in the years before the First World War; the burgeoning economic, commercial and scientific co-operation in the interwar years such that by the start of the Second World War Germany was Iran’s leading trade partner; the impact of the Islamic Revolution in 1979; and the attempts by the administration of President Rafsanjani to strengthen ties with Europe in the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq War. Iran-Europe Relations goes on to examine in detail the recent issues of conflict between Iran and Europe: disputes over weapons of mass destruction; allegations of Iranian support for terrorist groups in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Iraq and Lebanon; disagreements over human rights; the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East peace process. It concludes by suggesting ways in which Iran-Europe relations can be encouraged to develop positively, overcome current obstacles and nourish the opportunities and common interests that lie beneath the surface.

This book provides an assessment of relations between Iran and Europe, identifying the areas of common interest as well as the issues of conflict, whilst putting contemporary relations into their proper context with an account of their development since the early years of the twentieth century. Written by a former diplomat who served as the first Iranian ambassador to post-reunification Germany, this book shows that despite the recent deterioration of relations between Iran and the West, Iran has enjoyed a long history of cultural, economic and political ties with many European nations such as Germany. The book explores important historical episodes, including Iran’s support of Germany in the years before the First World War; the burgeoning economic, commercial and scientific co-operation in the interwar years such that by the start of the Second World War Germany was Iran’s leading trade partner; the impact of the Islamic Revolution in 1979; and the attempts by the administration of President Rafsanjani to strengthen ties with Europe in the aftermath of the Iran-Iraq War. Iran-Europe Relations goes on to examine in detail the recent issues of conflict between Iran and Europe: disputes over weapons of mass destruction; allegations of Iranian support for terrorist groups in Afghanistan, Bosnia, Iraq and Lebanon; disagreements over human rights; the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Middle East peace process. It concludes by suggesting ways in which Iran-Europe relations can be encouraged to develop positively, overcome current obstacles and nourish the opportunities and common interests that lie beneath the surface.

The EU’s approach to Iran has emerged as one of the few successes of European foreign policy. Still, its role in international negotiations from 2003, as much as its broader approach to Iran, are generally poorly appreciated by policy-makers in Europe, the United States, and around the world. This book aims to explain the specifics of the EU’s approach to Iran, taking into account both the complexity of European foreign policy, in particular within transatlantic relations, and Iran’s (aspired) place in the international order. It informs the reader about the special negotiation format that included a number of world powers as well as multilateral bodies such as the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) and the UN Security Council. Furthermore, it provides an outlook on European post-nuclear deal strategies and offers conclusions on the effectiveness of Europe’s multilateral approach to foreign policy. By looking at the EU’s diplomatic activities towards Iran over more than a decade, the book focuses on Europe’s actorness in international politics. This text will be of key interest to scholars, students and practitioners involved or interested in the European Union, Iran, U.S. foreign policy as well as Foreign and Security policy, including sanctions policy, and more broadly to European Politics, Middle East studies and international relations.

This book investigates the European involvement in managing the nuclear dispute with Iran, shedding new light on EU foreign policy-making. The author focuses on the peculiar format through which the EU managed Iran’s nuclear issue: a ‘lead group’ consisting of France, Germany and the UK and the High Representative for EU foreign policy (E3/EU). The experience of the E3/EU lends credibility to the claim that lead groups give EU foreign policy direction and substance. The E3/EU set up a negotiating framework that worked as a de-escalating tool, a catalyst for Security Council unity and a forum for crisis management. They inflicted pain on Iran by adopting a comprehensive sanctions regime, but did so only having secured US commitment to a diplomatic solution. Once the deal was reached, they defended it vigorously. The E3/EU may have been supporting actors, but their achievements were real.

In February 2018, anticipating the US withdrawal from the JCPOA, Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei declared a policy of “preferring East over West”, thus paving the way for deeper cooperation with Asian powers such as China, Russia, and India. Differently from the “Look East” policy promoted during the presidency of Ahmadinejad (2005-2013), the current Iranian strategy is not only functional to escape the US-led isolation, but it rather seems devoted to the consolidation of a block of power which can commit to security and economic schemes in alternative to the Western-dominated ones.This ISPI report aims to answer few crucial questions: Which are the major initiatives promoted within Iran’s “Look East 2.0” strategy? To what extent will Tehran succeed in creating a solid Eastern block? What will be the influence of the wider geopolitical context? And finally, what role is left for the EU?

This book discusses how tensions and unknowns may impact future relations between a post-Brexit UK, the EU and the countries of the Gulf, including Iran. The authors of this book consider, in different ways, whether British and EU27 relations with the Gulf States may change or whether the traditions and the weight of their history reinforce the pre-existing patterns of these relationships. Ongoing changes in the Gulf, the present disputes and the trajectories economic reform also influence these discussions. The book analyses the changing positions of the US, China and Russia that are likely to impact Europe’s interests. It explores outcomes of ongoing world challenges, such as the COVID-19 pandemic and the crash of oil prices, to further examine Post-Brexit Europe and UK policy challenges towards Iran and the GCC States.

The most significant challenge to the post-Cold War international order is the growing power of ambitious states opposed to the West. Iran, Russia and China each view the global structure through the prism of historical experience. Rejecting the universality of Western liberal values, these states and their governments each consider the relative decline of Western economic hegemony as an opportunity. Yet cooperation between them remains fragmentary. The end of Western sanctions and the Iranian nuclear deal; the Syrian conflict; new institutions in Central and East Asia: in all these areas and beyond, the potential for unity or divergence is striking. In this new and comprehensive study, Ariane Tabatabai and Dina Esfandiary address the substance of this `triple axis' in the realms of energy, trade, and military security. In particular they scrutinise Iran-Russia and the often overlooked field of Iran-China relations. Their argument - that interactions between the three will shape the world stage for decades to come - will be of interest to anyone looking to understand the contemporary international security puzzle.

Iran in a Reconnecting Eurasia examines the full scope of Iranian national interests in the South Caucasus and Central Asia and analyzes the broad outlines of Iranian engagement over the coming years. It is part of a six-part CSIS series, “Eurasia from the Outside In,” which includes studies focusing on Turkey, the European Union, Iran, India, Russia, and China.

A comprehensive but concise overview of Iran's politics, economy, military, foreign policy, and nuclear program. The volume chronicles U.S.-Iran relations under six American presidents and probes five options for dealing with Iran. Organized thematically, this book provides top-level briefings by 50 top experts on Iran (both Iranian and Western authors) and is a practical and accessible "go-to" resource for practitioners, policymakers, academics, and students, as well as a fascinating wealth of information for anyone interested in understanding Iran's pivotal role in world politics.

Iran's nuclear aspirations increasingly dominate its relations with the United States and Europe. China remains one of Iran's strongest allies on the Security Council, and also its most likely supplier of technology and assistance, built on decades of close economic and military relations. Iran is enjoying strong new influence in the Middle East and Asia following record oil profits and Shi'i victories in Iraqi parliamentary elections. Like Iran, China fought for decades to increase its self-reliance and geopolitical influence after painful experiences under European colonialism, which spurred nationalist revolutions. With China and Iran: Ancient Partners in a Post-Imperial World, John Garver breaks new ground on the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Islamic Republic of Iran. Grounding his survey in the twin concepts of civilization and power, Garver explores the relationship between these two ancient and proud peoples, each of which consider the other a peer and a partner in their mutual determination to build a post-Western-dominated Asia. Successive governments of both China and Iran have recognized substantial national capabilities in each other, capabilities that allow the countries to achieve their own national interests through cooperation. These interests have varied - from countering Soviet expansionism to resisting U.S. unilateralism - but the cooperative relationship between the two nations has remained constant. In his compelling analysis, Garver explores the evolution of Sino-Iranian relations through several phases, including Iran under the shah and before the 1979 revolution; from the 1979 revolution to 1989, a year marked both by the end of the Iran-Iraq war and the beginning of conflict in Sino-U.S. relations; and from 1989 to 2004. China and Iran includes discussion of the current debates at the International Atomic Energy Agency over Iran's nuclear programs and China's role in assisting these programs and in supporting Iran in international debates. Garver examines China's involvement in Iran's efforts to modernize its military, including China's offer of weapons, capital goods, and engineering services in exchange for Iranian oil, suggesting links between this energy exchange and China's support for Iran in political arenas. In today's political climate, where China is recognized as a rising and increasingly influential global power and Iran as one of the most powerful nations in the Middle East, this book presents a crucial analysis of a topic of utmost importance to scholars and the general public today.