Expanding Eurasia

"Moscow's overarching ambition toward Europe is to expand the "Eurasian space" in which Russia is the dominant political player. For Moscow, this means transforming Europe into an appendage of the Russian sphere of influence and debilitating Euro-Atlanticism by undercutting Europe's connections with the United States. The author explains that the most effective and realistic long-term Western strategy toward Russia needs to combine "practical engagement" with "strategic assertiveness.""--BOOK JACKET.

The USSR's different spheres of influence each present their own special problems. This is particularly true of areas outside Eastern Europe and areas non-contiguous with the borders of the USSR. Sicker defines and clarifies the two major Soviet perceptions of policy that radically differ from most western perspectives: patience with long-term policy, and the belief that class struggle law is of primary importance, superseding even international law. The first part of the book considers the pattern and process of expansion that has created the USSR's current configuration in Eurasia. The chapters demonstrate that in many respects, Soviet policies are similar in objective to their Czarist forerunners. Part II addresses current problems in Soviet geostrategic politics and includes discussions on their evolution and the necessity of their solution in order to preserve the viability of the USSR's spheres of influence.

Although the score of countries comprising Russia's near abroad (the former non-Russian Soviet republics) and far abroad (the former non-Russian Warsaw Pact states) are behaving with variably increasing independence in their domestic and foreign policies, Russia continues to regard them as remaining within the same core-periphery sphere of influence formerly exerted by the Soviet Union within the same geographic space. Russia misinterprets bids by these countries to adopt liberalizing structural reforms and to join Euro-Atlantic organizations as foreign-inspired and inimical to Russia's security. Whether Russia can learn to recognize that such bids are in fact natural developments of national self-interest will determine whether healthy and mutually beneficial bilateral relations can develop between Russia and the states of her near and far abroad in the 21st century. No previous study of the dynamics of post-Soviet assertive sovereignty has as broad a geographic scope as Eurasia Rising, which considers the whole of Post-Soviet Space: DT Belarus, Moldova, Ukraine DT_ Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania DT Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia DT Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan DT Albania, Bulgaria, Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Romania, Slovakia

All major continental empires proclaimed their desire to rule 'the entire world', investing considerable human and material resources in expanding their territory. Each, however, eventually had to stop expansion and come to terms with a shift to defensive strategy. This volume explores the factors that facilitated Eurasian empires' expansion and contraction: from ideology to ecology, economic and military considerations to changing composition of the imperial elites. Built around a common set of questions, a team of leading specialists systematically compare a broad set of Eurasian empires - from Achaemenid Iran, the Romans, Qin and Han China, via the Caliphate, the Byzantines and the Mongols to the Ottomans, Safavids, Mughals, Russians, and Ming and Qing China. The result is a state-of-the art analysis of the major imperial enterprises in Eurasian history from antiquity to the early modern that discerns both commonalities and differences in the empires' spatial trajectories.

In this original and timely book, Bruno Maçães argues that the best word for the emerging global order is 'Eurasian', and shows why we need to begin thinking on a super-continental scale. While China and Russia have been quicker to recognise the increasing strategic significance of Eurasia, even Europeans are realizing that their political project is intimately linked to the rest of the supercontinent - and as Maçães shows, they will be stronger for it. Weaving together history, diplomacy and vivid reports from his six-month overland journey across Eurasia from Baku to Samarkand, Vladivostock to Beijing, Maçães provides a fascinating portrait of this shifting geopolitical landscape. As he demonstrates, we can already see the coming Eurasianism in China's bold infrastructure project reopening the historic Silk Road, in the success of cities like Hong Kong and Singapore, in Turkey's increasing global role and in the fact that, revealingly, the United States is redefining its place as between Europe and Asia. An insightful and clarifying book for our turbulent times, The Dawn of Eurasia argues that the artificial separation of the world's largest island cannot hold, and the sooner we realise it, the better.

Eurasia, wherever one draws the boundaries, is very much at the centre of discussions about today’s world. Security across Eurasia is a global concern and has been subject to a range of discussions and debate. However, the current tensions over security and world order, with the growing challenges from Eurasia and Asia, require more intense scrutiny. The goals of the book are to explore the challenges facing the region and to assess how to achieve economic, social and political stability in the Eurasian core. The book’s chapters are written by prominent experts in the field, and together contribute to the continuing debate by providing policy advice for managing crises in the region. Conflicts inevitably arise in the Eurasian space as global powers, regional powers and individual states jockey for positions and influence. These conflicts need not reach a crisis state provided the foundations of conflict, and the surrounding frameworks, can be better understood. To do this, it is necessary to examine the issue of security in Eurasia from a multi-dimensional perspective that challenges any and all assumptions about Eurasia and global order. This volume has two overarching goals. The first is to come to a better understanding of key security threats in the Eurasian region from a multi-dimensional – social, political, economic and institutional - perspective. The second is to discuss policies directed to increase mutual security in and around the Eurasian core. Although the crisis of security affects the whole continent, the area covered by the former Soviet Union and its neighborhood is at the epicenter of the current crisis. On the one side, the Atlantic community is consolidating and extending. On the other, various ‘greater Asia’ ideas are in the making. All of Eurasia is in danger of becoming an extended shatter zone, a vast new, shaky ‘borderland’ trapped between two great systems of power and world order.

The first book to weave Eurasia together through the perspective of the oceans and seas "A detailed account of the growing importance of the Chinese, Indian, and Russian navies and how this competition is playing out in waters stretching from the Indo-Pacific area to the Arctic and the Mediterranean."--Lawrence D. Freedman, Foreign Affairs Eurasia's emerging powers--India, China, and Russia--have increasingly embraced their maritime geographies as they have expanded and strengthened their economies, military capabilities, and global influence. Maritime Eurasia, a region that facilitates international commerce and contains some of the world's most strategic maritime chokepoints, has already caused a shift in the global political economy and challenged the dominance of the Atlantic world and the United States. Climate change is set to further affect global politics. With meticulous and comprehensive field research, Geoffrey Gresh considers how the melting of the Arctic ice cap will create new shipping lanes and exacerbate a contest for the control of Arctic natural resources. He explores as well the strategic maritime shifts under way from Europe to the Indian Ocean and Pacific Asia. The race for great power status and the earth's changing landscape, Gresh shows, are rapidly transforming Eurasia and thus creating a new world order.

Since the last quarter of the last century, the axis of the global expansion of capitalism has migrated to Asia. Eurasia's geopolitical project is the culmination of this expansion under the leadership of the CHINA-RUSSIA strategic alliance. EURASIA: GEOPOLITICAL MOSAIC it is a study on the emergence of the 21st century geopolitical revolution. The intercontinental integration project (ASIA-EUROPE).This book offers an analytical framework for understanding geopolitical mosaic across time and space. The research covers a vast expanse, including the major areas and the margins of the world economy. The book show how the worldwide expansion of capitalism operates through the logistical organization of relations between populations, extractive activities of natural resources as well as through the penetration of finalization into all realms of economic life. The convergence of the worldwide expansion of capitalism and nationalism, and the concept of geopolitical mosaic have shaped the EURASIA consortium and the struggle for world hegemony. EURASIA could be the solution to the growing global geopolitical clash between CHINA, RUSSIA and the USA ( three rival powers ): CHINA (Metanational Capitalism and the leadership of the worldwide expansion of capitalism ); RUSSIA (EURASIA as a regional expansion project ); USA ( End of PAX AMERICANA ). Therefore, today the global risk is of a geopolitical nature. It is in the imbalance of forces between the three rivals in this context, three scenarios stand out: 1) Emergence of EURASIA and the geopolitical revolution (strategic alliance between CHINA-RUSSIA); 2) Geopolitical clash and economic globalization (CHINA-USA); 3) USA, its western allies and the end of PAX AMERICANA, and 4) Map of the world's manufacturing output: ASIA 52% and EUROPE 22% ( EURASIA ) will focus world manufacturing production in the next decades under CHINA's leadership.

Even a casual perusal of seventeenth-century European print production makes clear that the Turk was on everyone’s mind. Europe’s confrontation of and interaction with the Ottoman Empire in the face of what appeared to be a relentless Ottoman expansion spurred news delivery and literary production in multiple genres, from novels and sermons to calendars and artistic representations. The trans-European conversation stimulated by these media, most importantly the regularly delivered news reports, not only kept the public informed but provided the basis for literary conversations among many seventeenth-century writers, three of whom form the center of this inquiry: Daniel Speer (1636-1707), Eberhard Werner Happel (1647-1690), and Erasmus Francisci (1626-1694). The expansion of the Ottoman Empire during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries offers the opportunity to view these writers' texts in the context of Europe and from a more narrowly defined Ottoman Eurasian perspective. Ottoman Eurasia in Early Modern German Literature: Cultural Translations (Francisci, Happel, Speer) explores the variety of cultural and commercial conversations between Europe and Ottoman Eurasia as they negotiated their competing economic and hegemonic interests. Brought about by travel, trade, diplomacy, and wars, these conversations were, by definition, “cross-cultural” and diverse. They eroded the antagonism of “us and them,” the notion of the European center and the Ottoman periphery that has historically shaped the view of European-Ottoman interactions.

This book discusses and analyses the dimensions of Turkey’s strategic rapprochement with the Eurasian states and institutions since the deterioration of Ankara’s relations with its traditional NATO allies. Do these developments signify a major strategic reorientation in Turkish foreign policy? Is Eurasia becoming an alternative geopolitical concept to Europe or the West? Or is this ‘pivot to Eurasia’ an instrument of the current Turkish government to obtain greater diplomatic leverage? Engaging with these key questions, the contributors explore the geographical, political, economic, military and social dynamics that influence this process, while addressing the questions that arise from the difficulties in reconciling Ankara’s strategic priorities with those of other Eurasian countries like Russia, China, Iran and India. Chapters focus on the different aspects of Turkey’s improving bilateral relations with the Eurasian states and institutions and consider the possibility of developing a convincing Eurasian alternative for Turkish foreign policy. The book will be useful for researchers in the fields of politics and IR more broadly, and particularly relevant for scholars and students researching Turkish foreign policy and the geopolitics of Eurasia.