Building A Just World Order

In 2011, the UN Human Rights Council created the mandate of the Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order. This book, based on the reports by Dr. Alfred de Zayas, the first mandate-holder (2012-2018), offers a brilliant and comprehensive critique of the UN system, addressing the changes that must be made in order to further the emergence of a democratic and equitable international order. De Zayas proposes concrete reforms of the UN system, notably the Security Council. He advocates recognition of peace as a human right, slashing military budgets, and establishing the right of self-determination as a conflict-prevention measure. As it concerns the global economy, he calls for reversing the adverse impacts of World Bank and International Monetary Fund policies, rendering free-trade agreements compatible with human rights, abolishing tax havens and ISDS, alleviating the foreign debt crisis, and criminalizing war-profiteers and pandemic vultures. He denounces unilateral coercive measures, economic sanctions and financial blockades, because they demonstrably have led to hundreds of thousands of deaths. Book jacket.

“Dazzling and instructive . . . [a] magisterial new book.” —Walter Isaacson, Time "An astute analysis that illuminates many of today's critical international issues." —Kirkus Reviews Henry Kissinger offers in World Order a deep meditation on the roots of international harmony and global disorder. Drawing on his experience as one of the foremost statesmen of the modern era—advising presidents, traveling the world, observing and shaping the central foreign policy events of recent decades—Kissinger now reveals his analysis of the ultimate challenge for the twenty-first century: how to build a shared international order in a world of divergent historical perspectives, violent conflict, proliferating technology, and ideological extremism. There has never been a true “world order,” Kissinger observes. For most of history, civilizations defined their own concepts of order. Each considered itself the center of the world and envisioned its distinct principles as universally relevant. China conceived of a global cultural hierarchy with the emperor at its pinnacle. In Europe, Rome imagined itself surrounded by barbarians; when Rome fragmented, European peoples refined a concept of an equilibrium of sovereign states and sought to export it across the world. Islam, in its early centuries, considered itself the world’s sole legitimate political unit, destined to expand indefinitely until the world was brought into harmony by religious principles. The United States was born of a conviction about the universal applicability of democracy—a conviction that has guided its policies ever since. Now international affairs take place on a global basis, and these historical concepts of world order are meeting. Every region participates in questions of high policy in every other, often instantaneously. Yet there is no consensus among the major actors about the rules and limits guiding this process or its ultimate destination. The result is mounting tension. Grounded in Kissinger’s deep study of history and his experience as national security advisor and secretary of state, World Order guides readers through crucial episodes in recent world history. Kissinger offers a unique glimpse into the inner deliberations of the Nixon administration’s negotiations with Hanoi over the end of the Vietnam War, as well as Ronald Reagan’s tense debates with Soviet Premier Gorbachev in Reykjavík. He offers compelling insights into the future of U.S.–China relations and the evolution of the European Union, and he examines lessons of the conflicts in Iraq and Afghanistan. Taking readers from his analysis of nuclear negotiations with Iran through the West’s response to the Arab Spring and tensions with Russia over Ukraine, World Order anchors Kissinger’s historical analysis in the decisive events of our time. Provocative and articulate, blending historical insight with geopolitical prognostication, World Order is a unique work that could come only from a lifelong policy maker and diplomat. Kissinger is also the author of On China.

Weak or failed states - where no government is in control - are the source of many of the world's most serious problems, from poverty, AIDS and drugs to terrorism. What can be done to help? The problem of weak states and the need for state-building has existed for many years, but it has been urgent since September 11 and Afghanistan and Iraq. The formation of proper public institutions, such as an honest police force, uncorrupted courts, functioning schools and medical services and a strong civil service, is fraught with difficulties. We know how to help with resources, people and technology across borders, but state building requires methods that are not easily transported. The ability to create healthy states from nothing has suddenly risen to the top of the world agenda. State building has become a crucial matter of global security. In this hugely important book, Francis Fukuyama explains the concept of state-building and discusses the problems and causes of state weakness and its national and international effects.

This text is designed to provide students with a solid theoretical and methodological base for understanding how the present international system works, how that system is likely to evolve given current world trends, and what realistically can be done to alleviate the most serious global problems. Part 1 develops a world order perspective by examin

In 2011, the UN Human Rights Council created the mandate of the Independent Expert on the Promotion of a Democratic and Equitable International Order. This book, based on the reports by Dr. Alfred de Zayas, the first mandate-holder (2012-2018), offers a brilliant and comprehensive critique of the UN system, addressing the changes that must be made in order to further the emergence of a democratic and equitable international order. De Zayas proposes concrete reforms of the UN system, notably the Security Council. He advocates recognition of peace as a human right, slashing military budgets, and establishing the right of self-determination as a conflict-prevention measure. As it concerns the global economy, he calls for reversing the adverse impacts of World Bank and International Monetary Fund policies, rendering free-trade agreements compatible with human rights, abolishing tax havens and ISDS, alleviating the foreign debt crisis, and criminalizing war-profiteers and pandemic vultures. He denounces unilateral coercive measures, economic sanctions and financial blockades, because they demonstrably have led to hundreds of thousands of deaths. "Alfred de Zayas is a gifted human rights lawyer who, alongside Jakob Moller, pioneered the development of UN human rights jurisprudence. He was a dynamic Special Rapporteur, as is evidenced by his Principles for a Democratic and Equitable International Order." --BERTRAND RAMCHARAN, Acting UN High Commissioner for Human Rights 2002-2004 "The 25 Zayas Principles of International Order are a modern Magna Carta. If implemented by the international community, they would help ensure peace with social justice in the 21st century. Pursuant to the UN Charter member States bear responsibility for future generations. Hence, they should take concrete measures to achieve this rules-based order in international solidarity." --Maria Fernanda Espinosa, President of the 73rd session of the UN General Assembly, 2018-19 "Zayas proposes a new functional paradigm of human rights for all. His elaboration on principles and on how to apply international law uniformly is a welcome contribution to a necessary debate on the foundations of a just international order." --Professor Dr. Carlos Correa, University of Buenos Aires, Executive Director of South Centre

Monograph emanating from a research project to propose models for a future world order based on international cooperation and peace - includes essays on cultural factors in world integration, equalization of international income distribution, international organizations of the future, etc. Diagrams and references.

In response to a growing sense of dissatisfaction with the state of the world and the state of international relations research, Professor Kim has taken an alternative approach to the study of contemporary world politics. Specifically, he has adopted and expanded the cross-cultural, interdisciplinary, and transnational approach developed by the World Order Models Project (WOMP), an enterprise committed to the realization of peace, economic equality and well-being, social justice, and ecological balance. Systemic in scope and interdisciplinary in methodology, The Quest for a Just World Order explains and projects the issues, patterns, and trends of world politics, giving special attention to the attitudinal, normative, behavioral, and institutional problems involved in the politics of system transformation. Professor Kim also attempts to remedy a number of problematic features of traditional approaches, including a value-neutral orientation; fragmentation and overspecialization; overemphasis on national actors, the superpowers, and stability; and the Hobbesian image of world politics. Part 1 presents a conceptual framework for developing a normative theory of world order. Each of the four chapters in Part 2 examines a specific global crisis in depth, working within the framework laid out in Part 1. In Part 3 a variety of desirable and feasible transition strategies are proposed, and Professor Kim assesses the prospects for achieving a just and humane world order system by the end of this century.

In response to a growing sense of dissatisfaction with the state of the world and the state of international relations research, Professor Kim has taken an alternative approach to the study of contemporary world politics. Specifically, he has adopted and expanded the cross-cultural, interdisciplinary, and transnational approach developed by the World Order Models Project (WOMP), an enterprise committed to the realization of peace, economic equality and well-being, social justice, and ecological balance. Systemic in scope and interdisciplinary in methodology, The Quest for a Just World Order explains and projects the issues, patterns, and trends of world politics, giving special attention to the attitudinal, normative, behavioral, and institutional problems involved in the politics of system transformation. Professor Kim also attempts to remedy a number of problematic features of traditional approaches, including a value-neutral orientation; fragmentation and overspecialization; overemphasis on national actors, the superpowers, and stability; and the Hobbesian image of world politics. Part 1 presents a conceptual framework for developing a normative theory of world order. Each of the four chapters in Part 2 examines a specific global crisis in depth, working within the framework laid out in Part 1. In Part 3 a variety of desirable and feasible transition strategies are proposed, and Professor Kim assesses the prospects for achieving a just and humane world order system by the end of this century.

This text examines one of the major questions of the age: how should humanity organize itself on the highest levels of governance - the global level. A just world order must have a deep foundation, including the development of a global culture of peace and spirituality. The increased role of women and non-governmental organizations is crucial, as is the mutual understanding, appreciation, and even synthesis of religions. With an integrated approach to world order, it is argued, the deeper peace that humanity needs and longs for could be possible. It then reviews the development of international law and the current means of promoting and enforcing it, in the abcence of an international police force. The essays look at the role of the military in the Cold War and after, and review the prospects for war and peace in the 21st century.