Vietnamese Labour Militancy

This book explores how capital-labour relations and antagonisms structure forms of militancy in Vietnam and shows that Vietnamese labour militancy is in line with global trends of worker activism. Vietnamese labour politics is undergoing significant changes, with a new Labour code that became law in 2021 allowing workers to join ‘worker representative organisations’ not subordinate to the state-led union or the ruling Communist Party. This book reflects on the nature of Vietnamese labour politics on the cusp of reform. It focuses on nominally formal labour within the garment and footwear industry in the southern part of the country, the author argues that while employment in the formal economy is expanding in terms of the absolute numbers of people working in formally registered firms, capital employs various ways to make conditions inside these companies increasingly insecure. In response, workers organise in forms of decentralised resistance. The book analyses two of these in detail; wildcat strikes and ‘microstrikes’—short collective work stoppages that occur inside workplaces. Arguing that labour resistance is structured in relation to capital’s behaviour, and not only because of weak labour relations institutions and mechanisms, this book makes a valuable contribution to the field of labour and social movement studies, development studies, sociology, and political economy and Southeast Asian Studies.

This 32-page report documents the Vietnamese government's crackdown on independent trade unions and profiles labor rights activists who have been detained, placed under house arrest, or imprisoned by the Vietnamese government in violation of international law. The report calls on donor governments and foreign firms investing in Vietnam to press the government to treat workers properly.

The following report is a translation of an unsigned article in the Vietnamese-language newspaper Lao-dong (Workers), Hanoi, number 715, March 1960, page 3. According to the reports of the planning Committee the Ministries, and different industries, the government plan for 1959, is the heaviest in the three-year plan (basic construction work is twice as much as that of 1958; the volume of railroad transportation has the same ratio; the total output of the industries belonging to the Public Works Ministry increased 141 percent; progresses in trade; culture, education and welfare are also more impressive than in 1958). Notwithstanding the existing difficulties in production management and in material supply, notwithstanding the technical limitation of our workers, etc., the competitive movement launched in 1959 has flourished incessantly. Popular thinking has been constructively transformed, party leadership has reached deep into-all walks of life, and labor unions-have discharged their responsibilities in accordance with labor laws (this was particularly clear in the movement for improving enterprise management).

Over the past decade, app-based driving services like ride-hailing and delivery have become an integral part of business, employment and daily life in Vietnam. This growth, however, has been accompanied by tensions and conflicts between ride-hailing platforms and traditional taxi companies, xe ôm (motorbike taxi drivers), the authorities and the drivers working for these platforms. Most drivers on these services are male and work long hours for low wages. Their working conditions are precarious because platforms classify them as partners rather than employees, denying them basic rights and benefits. Although platforms offer bonuses, organize events to celebrate drivers’ contributions, and provide training courses, these do not address the fundamental exploitation in the employment relationship. The Ministry of Labour, Invalids and Social Affairs (MOLISA) has not taken sufficient action to protect drivers or taken a stance on whether they should be classified as contractors or employees. The Vietnam General Confederation of Labour (VGCL) is working towards securing social protection for drivers and increasing their representation in labour associations. While some members of the VGCL have argued that app-based drivers are actually workers and should be afforded the same rights and benefits as all workers, this is as yet not the formal position of the confederation. Drivers have taken to organizing strikes and protests to demand better treatment from the platforms. Their methods of activism are rooted in both traditional Vietnamese labour activism and global trends of platform protest. The emergence of the gig economy in Vietnam is a challenge to sustainable development. Policymakers and practitioners are called upon to ensure that platform work contributes to improved livelihoods and decent lifestyles for all.

Two decades after Vietnam introduced a programme of economic renovation commonly known as Doi Moi, the country today allows market competition in industry, and a new working class has been created. This is the first book to focus on the role and conditions of workers in the new economic regime. The authors of the book trace Vietnam's labour history, explore the impact of the socialist legacy and examine the reasons for the large number of recent strikes. The book provides insights into the workforce of one of Asia's most rapidly developing industrial economies.

Cover -- Half-title -- Title -- Copyright -- Contents -- Hell No: The Forgotten Power of the Vietnam Peace Movement -- Introduction -- 1 -- 2 -- 3 -- 4 -- Conclusion -- Further Reading -- Acknowledgments

This set of 44 volumes, originally published between 1924 and 1995, amalgamates a wide breadth of research on the Labour Movement, including labour union history, the early stages and development of the Labour Party, and studies on the working classes. This collection of books from some of the leading scholars in the field provides a comprehensive overview of the subject how it has evolved over time, and will be of particular interest to students of political history.

The society and economy of Vietnam is still characterised by a rapid transformation process. There is high economic and political pressure. coming not only from internal developments but also from foreign countries. This groundbreaking book takes stock of the rapid processes of change in the labour market and the industrial relations of Vietnam. The contributions of Vietnamese and international experts cover the institutional arrangements of the labour market and of the system of industrial relations, and they also look at consequences for welfare and social inequality and treat the relation between culture and the economy in the country. Further contributions compare Vietnam with other developing country and analyse the relationships between international and Vietnamese labour markets. They also address the key question as to whether Asia is a new focal point of industrial conflicts.