United States Versus The Republic Of Hayti

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Excerpt from The United States Vs. The Republic of Hayti: In the Matter of the Claim of Antonio Pelletier; Record The said claims of Antonio Pelletier and A. H. Lazare against the Republic of Hayti shall be referred to the said Honorable William Strong, as sole Arbitrator thereof, in con formity with the conditions hereinafter laid down. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.

This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1885 edition. Excerpt: ... A. Part of the crow went with mo. Q. What became of the crew? A. They wont to jail. Q. State what was the character of those missiles. A. They were stones of every description you could mention; they ridiculed us and called us everything in their language, which I could not understand. Q. What kind of a prison was it? A. A stone prison; a very damp prison'. Q. What was the size of the cells? A. The cells were not over six feet square, sir. Q. How many persons were put in a cell--a single cell? A. Captain Pellotier was put in a separate cell from me at the time; five or six of the crew were in with me. Q. State your condition ?# A. We were handcuffed and kept in irons. Q. How were yon ironed? A. With handcuffs in that prison; we were marched from there to Cape Haytien, and we were double-ironed with handcuffs and shackles. Q. How long did you remain in Fort Liberte? A. We were captured on the 5th day of April, in 1861. Q. How long did you remain there? A. Wo remained there probably two or three weeks, possihly longer; we were there for several days, I know; then we were taken from there and sent to Cape Haytien. Q. In what manner? A. In double irons, handcuffs, and shackles, on board of a small sloop of about ten tons. Q. Describe those irons A. We were handcuffed in that way, and we had shackles; we could only go step by step, that way, (describing;) the irons were as big as the bowl of my pipe. Q. Was there any weight attached to them i! A. Well, there was not, except the iron weights. Q. How were they put on? A. They were riveted on. Q. Who put them on? A. They were put on at Fort Liberte. Q. Who did it? A. I suppose it was the blacksmith. The Arbitrator. Do you mean to say they were riveted i The Witness. Yes, sir; they were...

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

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This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1884 edition. Excerpt: ... CHAPTER IV. THE POPULATION OF HAYTI. The amount of the population in Hayti is not accurately known, as no census has been taken since the country became independent. At the close of the last century the population was found to consist of-- In giving these figures, Mr. Madion adds (" Histoire d'Haiti," vol. i. p. 29) that the planters, in order not to have to pay the full capitation-tax, omitted from their return of slaves all the children, as well as those over forty-five years of age, so that at least 200,000 should be added to those in servitude, among whom were 15,000 coloured of both sexes. Up to 1847 Mr. Madion considered that the population had neither increased nor decreased. Deducting the whites, there would remain about 750,000. Mr. Mackenzie, in his "Notes on Hayti," vol. ii., discusses the question of population, but the tables he inserts in his work vary so greatly that no reliance can be placed on them. In one, the population in 1824 of the French portion of the island is stated to be 351,716; in another, given in full detail as to each district, it is put at 873,867, whilst he adds that Placide Justin had previously estimated the population at 700,000, and General Borgella, a good authority, stated it at a million. It is evident that no one had very precise data on which to fouud an estimate. During the struggle between the French and the coloured races, the whole of the whites were either driven out of the country or killed, and some slaves were exported to Cuba and the United States. What remained, therefore, of the two other sections constituted the population of the empire of Dessalines. During the Presidency of General Geffrard (1863), I heard him remark, that from the best official information he could get, the...

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work was reproduced from the original artifact, and remains as true to the original work as possible. Therefore, you will see the original copyright references, library stamps (as most of these works have been housed in our most important libraries around the world), and other notations in the work. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work.As a reproduction of a historical artifact, this work may contain missing or blurred pages, poor pictures, errant marks, etc. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

In The Black Republic, Brandon R. Byrd explores the ambivalent attitudes that African American leaders in the post-Civil War era held toward Haiti, the first and only black republic in the Western Hemisphere. Following emancipation, African American leaders of all kinds—politicians, journalists, ministers, writers, educators, artists, and diplomats—identified new and urgent connections with Haiti, a nation long understood as an example of black self-determination. They celebrated not only its diplomatic recognition by the United States but also the renewed relevance of the Haitian Revolution. While a number of African American leaders defended the sovereignty of a black republic whose fate they saw as intertwined with their own, others expressed concern over Haiti's fitness as a model black republic, scrutinizing whether the nation truly reflected the "civilized" progress of the black race. Influenced by the imperialist rhetoric of their day, many African Americans across the political spectrum espoused a politics of racial uplift, taking responsibility for the "improvement" of Haitian education, politics, culture, and society. They considered Haiti an uncertain experiment in black self-governance: it might succeed and vindicate the capabilities of African Americans demanding their own right to self-determination or it might fail and condemn the black diasporic population to second-class status for the foreseeable future. When the United States military occupied Haiti in 1915, it created a crisis for W. E. B. Du Bois and other black activists and intellectuals who had long grappled with the meaning of Haitian independence. The resulting demand for and idea of a liberated Haiti became a cornerstone of the anticapitalist, anticolonial, and antiracist radical black internationalism that flourished between World War I and World War II. Spanning the Reconstruction, post-Reconstruction, and Jim Crow eras, The Black Republic recovers a crucial and overlooked chapter of African American internationalism and political thought.