The Use Of Humour As A Vehicle For Nonviolent Struggle

Nonviolent Struggle provides a comprehensive introduction to civil resistance studies. Through a wide array of historical examples, Sharon Nepstad explains key concepts and debates, illustrates different categories of nonviolent action, describes the strategies and dynamics of nonviolent struggles, and summarizes the most recent empirical research in the field. This book offers a succinct coverage of the philosophy and strategy of nonviolent resistance.

A group of anti-conscription activists break into a prison, demanding to be jailed together with their friend already locked up because of his beliefs. Clowns from the rebel clown army mimic police sent to control political protests. Visiting Santas hand out presents taken from shop shelves without the approval of the shopping centre management. These are examples of humorous political stunts - public actions, hoaxes and happenings that confront systems of power. This book contains many amusing stories of such stunts, showing the boldness and creativity of the activists. Interviews and documents are used to show how humour can facilitate outreach, mobilisation and a culture of resistance. Humorous Political Stunts combines insights from the fields of nonviolence and humour studies and makes theoretical contributions to each area.

This book analyses how humour in political activism contributes to facilitating outreach, mobilisation and the sustaining of cultures of resistance. Drawing on examples of attention-grabbing stunts from around the world, Humour in Political Activism demonstrates how they succeed in turning relations of power upside down. The ambiguity and unpredictability of humour, Sørensen argues, makes it difficult to respond to this form of political activism when it is performed in public. Humorous political stunts can therefore challenge state power, help influence changes in law and make significant contributions to the conversations about how societies should be organised. The book also investigates the potential risks and limitations of using humour in nonviolent action and what makes humour unique compared with other forms of non-humorous political activism.

Violent wars have long occupied a prominent place in the history of the world. Struggles waged with strategic nonviolence including psychological, social, economic, spiritual and political methods are much less prominent in the Western world. Likewise, humor has often been overlooked by historians and social scientists up until recently. With this thesis, I bring these two under-studied topics together, descriptively analyzing humor's ability to aide in the development of strategic nonviolent campaigns. Using the example of the Serbian resistance group, Otpor, I demonstrate how humor played important roles in the relationships between Otpor activists, between Otpor and oppressed Serbian bystanders and between Otpor and oppressive authorities, mainly government leaders and police who I collectively refer to as the 'opponent.' Otpor is widely attributed for playing a pivotal role in the nonviolent overthrow of Serbian President Slobodan Milošević in October 2000. Milošević subsequently became the first major political leader to be put on trial at the International Criminal Court on charges of war crimes, genocide, crimes against humanity and grave breaches of the Geneva Conventions. This thesis is comprised of a three-part framework that details Otpor's use of humor including the elements of provocation, transformation and collaboration. Provocation refers to tactics that encourage members of the opponent group to incriminate themselves such as Otpor's renowned dilemma actions. Because of Otpor's provocative humor, members of the opponent group lost face both with the public and with one another, particularly with police officers distrusting their commanders. Transformation refers to the use of sardonic and other types of humor to birth intellectual, emotional, spiritual and social change, from a paradigm dominated by apathy, fear and rationality to a paradigm characterized by hope and the ability to mobilize resources for social change. Collaboration refers to the use of carnivalesque actions and jokes that emphasize shared humanity and draw members of the opponent group to fraternize with activists. In this thesis, I also discuss humor's limitations and its inherent weaknesses in the context of Serbia and nonviolent struggle, which include wounds cut by directly provocative humor and the trial of isolation during secret police interrogations among other challenges. The methodology used is a single case study. I conducted interviews with several Otpor activists and academics and also collected documents including books, peer-reviewed scholarly articles and online press materials. In a world where conflict is ubiquitous, strategic nonviolence, especially that which incorporates humor can be a constructive way to engage in conflict and produce social change. This thesis contributes to the history and practical understanding of humorous strategic nonviolence at a time when there is a potentially global upward trend in the usage of humor within nonviolent struggle.

The Promise of Reconciliation? explores the relationship between violence, nonviolence, and reconciliation in societal conflicts with questions such as: In what ways does violence impact the reconciliation process that necessarily follows a cessation of deadly conflict? Would an understanding of how conflict has been engaged, with violence or nonviolence, be conducive to how it could be prevented from sliding further into violence?The contributors examine international influences on the peace/reconciliation process in Indonesia's Aceh conflict, as well as the role of Muslim religious scholars in promoting peace. They also examine the effect of violence in southern Thailand, where insurgent violence has provided "leverage" during the fighting, but negatively affects post-conflict objectives. The chapter on Sri Lanka shows that "successful" violence does not necessarily end conflict?Sri Lankan society today is more polarized than it was before its civil war. The Vietnam chapter argues that the rise of nonviolent protest in Vietnam reflects a profound loss of state legitimacy, which cannot be resolved with force, while another chapter on Thailand examines "Red Sunday," a Thai political movement engaged in nonviolent protest in the face of violent government suppression. The book ends with a look at Indonesian cities, sites of ethnic conflicts, as potential abodes of peace if violence can be curtailed.

There has long been considerable debate about the nature of non-Western IR theory. Most attempts to understand such a phenomenon begin by taking a top-down approach on a country by country basis. Instead, this book takes a bottom-up approach, involving specialists from a range of Thai universities, revealing the contours of the Thai IR community. It examines the state of various sub-fields under the IR rubric in Thailand such as foreign policy analysis, security studies, international political economy and area studies, and how Thai thinkers in these fields have contributed to IR as a discipline and IR theory development in Thailand. In doing so, it identifies factors unique to Thai academia which have hindered the development of an indigenous-sourced theory as well as exploring the similarities shared with other non-Western contexts that have posed an obstacle to the creation of a more general non-Western IR theory. Providing both an in-depth insight into the specific phenomena of Thai IR theory, and a broader perspective on the challenges of formulating non-Western IR theory, this book aims to push the debate on non-Western IR theory forward. It will be of particular interest to readers looking for a better understanding of IR theory in Thailand, but also for those more generally looking to formulate and characterise non-Western approaches to the discipline.

In this ground-breaking and much-needed book, Stellan Vinthagen provides the first major systematic attempt to develop a theory of nonviolent action since Gene Sharp's seminal The Politics of Nonviolent Action in 1973. Employing a rich collection of historical and contemporary social movements from various parts of the world as examples - from the civil rights movement in America to anti-Apartheid protestors in South Africa to Gandhi and his followers in India - and addressing core theoretical issues concerning nonviolent action in an innovative, penetrating way, Vinthagen argues for a repertoire of nonviolence that combines resistance and construction. Contrary to earlier research, this repertoire - consisting of dialogue facilitation, normative regulation, power breaking and utopian enactment - is shown to be both multidimensional and contradictory, creating difficult contradictions within nonviolence, while simultaneously providing its creative and transformative force. An important contribution in the field, A Theory of Nonviolent Action is essential for anyone involved with nonviolent action who wants to think about what they are doing.

An urgent and accessible handbook for peaceful protesters, activists, and community organizers—anyone trying to defend their rights, hold their government accountable, or change the world Blueprint for Revolution will teach you how to • make oppression backfire by playing your opponents’ strongest card against them • identify the “almighty pillars of power” in order to shift the balance of control • dream big, but start small: learn how to pick battles you can win • listen to what people actually care about in order to incorporate their needs into your revolutionary vision • master the art of compromise to bring together even the most disparate groups • recognize your allies and view your enemies as potential partners • use humor to make yourself heard, defuse potentially violent situations, and “laugh your way to victory” Praise for Blueprint for Revolution “The title is no exaggeration. Otpor’s methods . . . have been adopted by democracy movements around the world. The Egyptian opposition used them to topple Hosni Mubarak. In Lebanon, the Serbs helped the Cedar Revolution extricate the country from Syrian control. In Maldives, their methods were the key to overthrowing a dictator who had held power for thirty years. In many other countries, people have used what Canvas teaches to accomplish other political goals, such as fighting corruption or protecting the environment.”—The New York Times “A clear, well-constructed, and easily applicable set of principles for any David facing any Goliath (sans slingshot, of course) . . . By the end of Blueprint, the idea that a punch is no match for a punch line feels like anything but a joke.”—The Boston Globe “An entertaining primer on the theory and practice of peaceful protest.”—The Guardian “With this wonderful book, Srdja Popovic is inspiring ordinary people facing injustice and oppression to use this tool kit to challenge their oppressors and create something much better. When I was growing up, we dreamed that young people could bring down those who misused their power and create a more just and democratic society. For Srdja Popovic, living in Belgrade in 1998, this same dream was potentially a much more dangerous idea. But with an extraordinarily courageous group of students that formed Otpor!, Srdja used imagination, invention, cunning, and lots of humor to create a movement that not only succeeded in toppling the brutal dictator Slobodan Milošević but has become a blueprint for nonviolent revolution around the world. Srdja rules!”—Peter Gabriel “Blueprint for Revolution is not only a spirited guide to changing the world but a breakthrough in the annals of advice for those who seek justice and democracy. It asks (and not heavy-handedly): As long as you want to change the world, why not do it joyfully? It’s not just funny. It’s seriously funny. No joke.”—Todd Gitlin, author of The Sixties and Occupy Nation