The Magufulisation Of Africa

The Magufulisation of Africa is the vision and mission to translate the spirit of the leadership paradigm of President John Pombe Magufuli of Tanzania into a leadership model, inspiration, motivation, challenge, change, possibility, and a new leadership paradigm for African leaders. The ultimate aim is to reenact and restore the leadership values of Africa's post-independence revolutionary leaders like Dr. Kwame Nkrumah, of Ghana, Julius Nyerere, of Tanzania, Patrice Lumumba, of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Thomas Sankara, of Burkina Faso, Jerry John Rawlings, of Ghana, Ahmed Sékou Touré, of Guinea, epitomised by President John Pombe Magufuli of Tanzania. The Magufulisation of Africa is the way forward for Africa's leadership renaissance in the 21st-century.

This edited volume analyzes African knowledge production and alternative development paths of the region. The contributors demonstrate ways in which African-centered knowledge refutes stereotypes depicted by Euro-centric scholars and, overall, examine indigenous African contributions in global knowledge production and development. The project provides historical and contemporary evidences that challenge the dominance of Euro-centric knowledge, particularly, about Africa, across various disciplines. Each chapter engages with existing scholarship and extends it by emphasizing on Indigenous knowledge systems in addition to future indicators of African knowledge production.

An essential exploration of and guide to research ethics in the field.

While some western media nicknamed him “bulldozer,” and one opposition politician in Tanzania called him “petty dictator,” some critics have called him the “Trump of East Africa.” His bullish and sadistic statements and actions have qualified him as a modern day dictator on the rise. It calls for an immediate local and international action in order to arrest the situation before it worsens and destabilises the whole of Eastern and Southern Africa. In a similar manner that Italy’s Benito Mussolini, Germany’s Adolf Hitler, Zaire’s Mobutu Seseseko and Uganda’s Idi Amin rose to power and used it to crash independent thought and crumble their countries, turning their citizens into subjects, John Pombe Magufuli, has made Tanzania infamous for the wrong reasons. In just three years, he has almost successfully attempted to replace democracy with a one-man rule, becoming an embodiment of brutality, nepotism, authoritarianism, grand corruption, diplomatic exclusion-ism, extrajudicial killings, abductions and arbitrary torture of civilians; turning East Africa’s most peaceful and stable country into a police state and a “skunk of the world.” His distorted approach to leadership and development, and his disregard of democracy, human rights and rule of law have turned him into a bully that seeks religious obedience from everyone, and he uses fear as his main tool of leadership. He terrorises the parliament, the opposition, the media, the diplomatic and international community, his own party, Muslims, journalists, activists, religious leaders, the business community, the judiciary and others - in a bid to establish himself as a leader that must be feared and never dared. This book exposes, through analysis, the root of this sadistic leadership. It digs deep into the dictator’s behaviour and leadership style. It encourages everyone to stand firm and overcome threats imposed by this despot. It awakens governance institutions to do their noble and constitutional task, and never allow similar mistakes that paved the way for this situation to prevail. The good news is that the dictator is timid and cowardly. His use of fear as a leadership tool testifies to his cowardice and insecurity. Proactive action from local and international partners in development will help to stop the dictator from causing further damage - putting an end to his autocratic rule as he seeks to extend it. There is every indication that, given a chance, he would never leave power voluntarily. Civilised people do not have to wait for that to happen. The world does not need another Idi Amin in East Africa. There is no need for the world to watch East Africa’s most peaceful nation sinking into irreparable, perpetual mess as it did with Rwanda prior to the 1994 genocide. With this book, I am stepping in to offer an informed analysis that may be part of the solution. I am laying a ground for a further follow up and research on the matter.

Munashe is a bright adolescent girl living in Zimbabwe. She feels a pressure to leave Zimbabwe and to follow most of her peers to a university or to work in the West. However, she is not convinced that this is what she really wants. Via Thomas, an experienced European scientist and manager, initiating a technical Start-up Hub at her boarding school, Munashe comes in contact with Anne. Imwe imba - the other room - is a novel covering the last 2 high-school years of Munashe and Anne in letters between the young women as well as from Thomas to Simon, his now retired personal and business coach. Through the letters, Anne and Simon discover unknown and fascinating aspects of the (southern) African society. Especially, since Thomas includes stories from Nelson, Munashe's grandfather and small holder farmer. Based on the stories and hearing about Munashe's activities in more technical projects, Anne develops a critical attitude towards both the current Western school system and the effectiveness of traditional Western development or aid projects. On the other side, Munashe learns that Europe is not the land of milk and honey for everybody. Munashe and Anne, assisted by Thomas, review the so-called development work activities in emerging markets and propose a promising approach to economically uplift more rural areas. In part 2, the Start-up Hub activities are proven to be sustainable and Munashe asks "where do we want to go?" A design is made for a more ideal (global) society and the issues faced, implementing their ideas, are discussed. The letters in this novel cover a wide spectrum of topics: personal struggles and contemplations, educational and business practices, science and art, geopolitics and historical backgrounds, change management as well as social developments. Each letter is written in an accessible language and underlined with references to allow the reader to explore more. Most of all, "imwe imba" wants to create awareness. Awareness for the wonderful, "real" life in Africa. Awareness that Africa is prosperity. Awareness that our younger generation is perfectly able to initiate change. That a single person can initiate change. That complaining or being upset about various (unacceptable) global happenings or actions is not enough. That a further polarisation and blaming "the others" doesn't help. That we have to do things. That we should not fear change but embrace the changes that are needed to come to the necessary improvements.

Africas Best and Worst Presidents seeks to deconstruct the current superstructure that colonialism created and maintains. It chastises and challenges Africans, academics in the main, to revisit and write a true history of Africa. Written by Africans themselves, such rewritten histories should aim to counter the counterfeit narratives which have proliferated, poisoned and diminished African sense of self and self-confidence. The history centred on African perspectives and experiences should go a long way in our quest to truly unfetter Africa from dependency, desolations and mismanagement. This book calls upon all Africans to stand up fearlessly and tirelessly to take on decadent and despotic regimes that have always held Africa at ransom as they get lessons from the best managers of state affairs on whose feats they must expand. The option to critique, cross-examine and dissect past African presidents and their excesses is aimed at giving the young and frustrated generations of Africans the intellectual resources they need to arm themselves in resolve and pursuit of Africas emancipation.

This work is about Samia Suluhu Hassan, Tanzania's first female president. She was also Tanzania's first female vice president. And she was the only female president in Africa when she went into office. She is also the third female president in Africa with executive powers. One of the biggest challenges Tanzania faces under the leadership of President Samia Suluhu Hassan is the quest for true democracy. The country is at the crossroads. It either pursues democracy in the full practical – not theoretical – sense or it abandons the goal and maintains the status quo, reversing whatever gains that have been made in the past in pursuit of this noble goal. The work looks at the central and critical role Mama Samia, as she is known in Tanzania and sometimes beyond, is destined to play in the quest for this new dispensation. There are strident and persistent demands by the opposition parties for a complete overhaul of the system. They demand a new constitution. There is an imperative need to establish an independent electoral commission, level the playing field to enable the opposition to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party which has been in power since the country won independence more than 60 years ago. Even after multiparty elections were introduced in 1995 after 30 years of one-party rule since 1965, Tanzania has not achieved full democracy. It remains a de facto one-party state. For the first time in the country's history in the post-colonial era, Tanzania has a leader, Mama Samia, who has promised to undertake fundamental changes and work with the opposition to transform the country into a truly democratic society. She has promised to level the playing field and has stated that she will make sure opposition parties are able to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party even if that will cost her the presidency in the next election in 2025. No other Tanzanian president has made that commitment before, since the introduction of multiparty politics in 1992, or has even implied – let alone admitted – that there is no level playing field in the political arena. They all have claimed there is a level playing field to enable opposition parties to win elections against the ruling party and when they lose they lose fairly. If President Samia does what she has promised to do, she is going to be the most transformative figure in the history of Tanzania besides the founding father of the nation Mwalimu Julius Kambarage Nyerere who led the struggle for the independence of Tanganyika and led the country to be the first in East Africa to attain sovereign status. She will be remembered as the leader who gave Tanzania a new constitution, reduced the power of the presidency at the expense of her own ruling party as demanded by the opposition, established an independent electoral commission, levelled the playing field to enable opposition parties to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party without any interference by the government to block them from doing so, and transformed the country into a full democracy. I have described her as “The Gentle Lady” but also as someone with steely determination to get things done. She also likes to get things done on consensus basis, an approach that has won her support in the opposition camp, a rare achievement among leaders of the ruling party who prefer to win or get things done on their own terms and often excluding the opposition. In spite of her softness, she is destined – as a steely character – to shake the country to its foundation for a complete overhaul of the system and radically transform the political landscape into one that accommodates all, if she does what she has said she is going to do, and if she works together with the opposition to achieve those goals, all of which are non-partisan, transcending narrow political interests in the best interest of the nation. She will be remembered as “the mother of democracy” in Tanzania. But she will also need the support of political heavyweights and others in her own party to implement her decisions and fulfill her agenda and transform the country into a “new nation” with a solid democratic foundation. It has been a long journey, starting almost thirty years ago in 1995 when the country had multiparty elections and entered a new era of multiparty politics – not democracy – in an attempt to achieve freedom and equality in the political arena by guaranteeing the right of every individual to express his/her views without fear of being muzzled, and by levelling the playing field to enable opposition parties to compete fairly and effectively against the ruling party which has been in power since independence. The goal has been elusive mainly because of government intervention to thwart the process in order to enable the ruling party to perpetuate itself in power: the ruling party and the government are one and the same thing in Tanzania and have always been. The refusal and unwillingness of national leaders to level the playing field in order to achieve genuine democracy has, unfortunately, somewhat been sanctioned and legitimised by the opposition parties themselves because of their refusal to unite and form a cohesive bloc as one strong party, with nationwide appeal, to effectively challenge the ruling party which has enormous advantages of mobilising support among the people. It has had the opportunity and the experience to build and consolidate its base across the nation all the way down to the grassroots level for decades since the end of colonial rule. In order to provide a counterweight against such a behemoth, there is an imperative need for opposition parties to unite and form one large party that can match the ruling party in mobilising support nationwide. That is the next challenge for the opposition in its quest for true democracy. Otherwise be prepared to maintain the status quo and accept its legitimacy validated by the ruling party's dominance of the political landscape – in fact across the sociopolitical and economic spectrum – because it is a dominance derived from electoral mandate as CCM continues to win elections without credible challenge to its supremacy at the polls.

Debunking the current model of international aid promoted by both Hollywood celebrities and policy makers, Moyo offers a bold new road map for financing development of the world's poorest countries.

In this provocative treatise, author Joe Khamisi catalogues the events that took place during one of Kenya's most important periods in history. This period began in 2002, when Daniel Arap Moi stepped down after twenty-four years as president of Kenya. Khamisi reviews events up to the time when the country exploded in post-election violence in 2007 and the subsequent formation of the Grand Coalition Government between President Mwai Kibaki and Raila Amolo Odinga the following year. Khamisi explores the leadership betrayals that he believes are responsible for the political, social, and economic rot that are pervasive in Kenya. He recounts how he helped a presidential poll loser in the 2007 elections, Stephen Kalonzo Musyoka, capture the coveted role of vice president. He also presents an in-depth analysis of Senator Barack Obama's visit to Kenya in 2006, as well as his own personal experiences with Barack's late father, who he describes as a person who "chain-smoked contentedly, drank copiously, and partied spiritedly." "The Politics of Betrayal" is critical reading for anyone who is interested in the transformation of Kenya from a one-party dictatorship to a pluralistic nation.

Sub-Saharan Africa faces three big inter-related challenges over the next generation. It will double its population to two billion by 2045. By then more than half of Africans will be living in cities. And this group of mostly young people will be connected with each other and the world through mobile devices. Properly harnessed and planned for, this is a tremendously positive force for change. Without economic growth and jobs, it could prove a political and social catastrophe. Old systems of patronage and of muddling through will no longer work because of these population increases. Instead, if leaders want to continue in power, they will have to promote economic growth in a more dynamic manner. Making Africa Work is a first-hand account and handbook of how to ensure growth beyond commodities and create jobs in the continent.