The Forms Of Power

Political power is often viewed as the sole embodiment of 'social power', even while we recognize that social power manifests itself in different forms and institutional spheres. This new book by Gianfranco Poggi suggests that the three principal forms of social power - the economic, the normative/ideological and the political - are based on a group's privileged access to and control over different resources. Against this general background, Poggi shows how various embodiments of normative/ideological and economic power have both made claims on political power (considered chiefly as it is embodied in the state) and responded in turn to the latter's attempt to control or to instrumentalize them. The embodiment of ideological power in religion and in modern intellectual elites is examined in the context of their relations to the state. Poggi also explores both the demands laid upon the state by the business elite and the impact of the state's fiscal policies on the economic sphere. The final chapter considers the relationship between a state's political class and its military elite, which tends to use the resource of organized coercion for its own ends. Forms of Power will be of interest to students and scholars of sociology and politics.

The concept of power has played a fundamental role in critical reflection about society. However, even the most basic questions concerning the concept of power have been subject to ongoing debate. Examining the ways in which philosophers from Plato onwards have used the concept of power, Wartenberg develops a field theory of power that rejects many of the reigning assumptions made about power. Incorporating the insights of feminist theorists, he argues that power has a positive as well as a negative role to play in social relations. Arguing that an adequate theory of power needs to recognize a plurality of forms of power, the author uses the example of teaching to show the multiple ways in which power is a factor in social relationships. As an important corrective to the consensual and domination models, Wartenberg's field theory gives social theorists and philosophers a more adequate tool for thinking about the nature of power. Author note:Thomas E. Wartenbertis Associate Professor of Philosophy at Mount Holyoke College.

You are not perfect. Never have been, never will be. And no matter how much experience you gain, how long you contemplate a decision, or who you seek counsel from, you will still make the occasional management misstep--a few of them. Guaranteed. And if you stay in management long enough, you will undoubtedly ask yourself questions such as:• Why do I sometimes feel threatened by my best people? • How do I remain cool in hot situations? • How can I ensure people hear what I say? • How can I cope more effectively with change? • Why have I lost so many of my best employees to the competition?The question is, will you wait for these mistakes to happen and then stay awake at night dwelling on these questions, or will you address them proactively so that you may discover the right solutions to apply now? Clinical and business psychologist Nicole Lipkin knows the stresses leaders face. In What Keeps Leaders Up at Night, she examines the common mistakes leaders make with their people. Featuring illuminating examples and exercises, this sleep-friendly book shines a bright light into the dark corners where all leaders struggle with their own shortcomings and presents smart solutions to the problems that arise as a result.

In one grand effort, this is an anatomy of power, a history of the ways in which it has been defined, and a study of its forms (force, manipulation, authority, and persuasion), its bases (individual and collective resources, political mobilization), and its uses. The issues that Dennis Wrong addresses range from the philosophical and ethical to the psychological and political. Much of the work is punctuated with careful examples from history. While the author illuminates his discussion with references to Weber, Marx, Freud, Plato, Dostoevsky, Orwell, Hobbes, Arendt, and Machiavelli, he keeps his arguments grounded in contemporary practical issues, such as class conflicts, multi-party politics, and parent-child relationships. In his new introduction, prepared for the 1995 edition of Power, the author reconsiders the concept of power, now locating it in the broader traditions of the social sciences rather than as a series of actions and actors within the sociological tradition. As a result. Wrong emphasizes such major distinctions as "power over" and "power to," and various conflations of power as commonly used. The new opening provides the reader with a deeper appreciation of the non-reductionist character of the book as a whole.

Amoral, cunning, ruthless, and instructive, this multi-million-copy New York Times bestseller is the definitive manual for anyone interested in gaining, observing, or defending against ultimate control – from the author of The Laws of Human Nature. In the book that People magazine proclaimed “beguiling” and “fascinating,” Robert Greene and Joost Elffers have distilled three thousand years of the history of power into 48 essential laws by drawing from the philosophies of Machiavelli, Sun Tzu, and Carl Von Clausewitz and also from the lives of figures ranging from Henry Kissinger to P.T. Barnum. Some laws teach the need for prudence (“Law 1: Never Outshine the Master”), others teach the value of confidence (“Law 28: Enter Action with Boldness”), and many recommend absolute self-preservation (“Law 15: Crush Your Enemy Totally”). Every law, though, has one thing in common: an interest in total domination. In a bold and arresting two-color package, The 48 Laws of Power is ideal whether your aim is conquest, self-defense, or simply to understand the rules of the game.

From two influential and visionary thinkers comes a big idea that is changing the way movements catch fire and ideas spread in our highly connected world. For the vast majority of human history, power has been held by the few. "Old power" is closed, inaccessible, and leader-driven. Once gained, it is jealously guarded, and the powerful spend it carefully, like currency. But the technological revolution of the past two decades has made possible a new form of power, one that operates differently, like a current. "New power" is made by many; it is open, participatory, often leaderless, and peer-driven. Like water or electricity, it is most forceful when it surges. The goal with new power is not to hoard it, but to channel it. New power is behind the rise of participatory communities like Facebook and YouTube, sharing services like Uber and Airbnb, and rapid-fire social movements like Brexit and #BlackLivesMatter. It explains the unlikely success of Barack Obama's 2008 campaign and the unlikelier victory of Donald Trump in 2016. And it gives ISIS its power to propagate its brand and distribute its violence. Even old power institutions like the Papacy, NASA, and LEGO have tapped into the strength of the crowd to stage improbable reinventions. In New Power, the business leaders/social visionaries Jeremy Heimans and Henry Timms provide the tools for using new power to successfully spread an idea or lead a movement in the twenty-first century. Drawing on examples from business, politics, and social justice, they explain the new world we live in--a world where connectivity has made change shocking and swift and a world in which everyone expects to participate.

Defining power as the ability to get what we want, this volume identifies three major types of power: threat power; economic power; and, integrative power. It argues that threat power should not be seen as fundamental since it is not effective unless reinforced by economic and integrative power.

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A new treatment of political theology - politically constructive and receptive to Christian tradition.

This book is about how power communication inrecent years hasbegun to reflect on its own limits in a new way. It focuseson a number of areas within the welfare state and how power desires non-power. It looks at financial policy, voluntary policy, educational policy and public steering technologies.