Reinventing Thailand

From 2001 to 2006, Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra transformed Thailand's international role from one of obscurity into a kind of regional hegemon. Thaksin's diplomatic ambitions were reflected in his myriad of grandiose foreign policy initiatives, designed to locate Thailand at the forefront of regional politics and reinstall the Thai sphere of influence over weaker neighbouring states. He abolished the traditional bending-with-the-wind foreign policy, revamped the Thai Foreign Ministry, and empowered Thai envoys through the CEO Ambassadors programme. But in this process, Thaksin was accused of exploiting foreign policy to enrich his business empire. Thaksin's reinvention of Thailand as an up-and-coming regional power was therefore tainted by conflicts of interest and the absence of ethical principles in the country's foreign policy.

Abstract Reinventing Siam: Ideas and Culture in Thailand, 1920-1944 by Arjun Subrahmanyan Doctor of Philosophy in History University of California, Berkeley Professor Peter Zinoman, Chair In 1932, a small group of civilian and military bureaucrats staged a coup that deposed the Thai absolute monarchy and introduced a constitutional democracy. The dominant historiography of this event has focused on elite politics, and identified the coup as a "revolution" that fundamentally changed Thai history. My thesis, however, argues that an authoritarian political culture persisted despite the introduction of a democratic system and hence there was strong continuity between the old and new regimes. I argue that the real "revolution" of the period was intellectual and took place among middle-class society. Two more fundamental processes preceded and accompanied the irregular transition to a constitutional political system in interwar Siam, and both would be of much more profound social importance than 1932's tangled politics. "Outsiders" to the political and bureaucratic elite "insiders" developed two new discourses that challenged authoritarian politics. The first was a new conception of social integration and community that sought to end the starkly uneven development between the country and the city. Second, outsiders sought the creation of a modern self - critical, autonomous and cosmopolitan - as an agent of social welfare and enlightenment. I explain the discursive battle between insiders and outsiders and the central role of foreign ideas. Even as elite conservatism limited the new democracy, the social discourse challenged state orthodoxy and showed the young generation's assimilation and adaptation of Western ideas to push for social reform and a more inclusive society.

In 1975, M.R. Kurkrit Pramoj met Mao Zedong, marking the eventual establishment of diplomatic relations and a discursive rupture with the previous narrative of Communist powers as an existential threat. This book critically interrogates the birth of bamboo (bending with the wind) diplomacy and the politics of Thai détente with Russia and China in the long 1970s (1968–80). By 1968, Thailand was encountering discursive anxiety amid the prospect of American retrenchment from the Indo-Pacific region. As such, Thailand developed a new discourse of détente to make sense of the rapidly changing world politics and replace the hegemonic discourse of anticommunism. By doing so, it created a political struggle between the old and new discourses. Jittipat Poonkham also argues that bamboo diplomacy – previously seen as a classic and continual ‘tradition’ of Thai-style diplomacy – had its origins in Thai détente and has become the metanarrative of Thai diplomacy since then. Based on a genealogical approach and multi‑archival research, this book examines three key episodes of Thai détente: Thanat Khoman (1968–71), M.R. Kukrit Pramoj (1975–76), and General Kriangsak Chomanan (1977–80). This transformation was represented in numerous diplomatic/discursive practices, such as ping‑pong diplomacy, petro‑diplomacy, trade and cultural diplomacy, and normal visits.

A major reform package was enacted in Thailand in 1997, coinciding with the promulgation of a new constitution. However, the country's financial problems helped create the conditions for the emergence of the Thai Rak Thai (Thais Love Thai, or TRT) Party under the leadership of Thaksin Shinawatra, a wealthy telecommunications magnate. Since winning a landslide election victory in 2001, Prime Minister Thaksin has exercised an extraordinary degree of personal dominance over the Thai political scene. This book examines the emergence of the TRT; Thaksin's background; his business activities, relationship with the military, use of rhetoric, and wider political economy networks; and the future of Thai politics.

This book examines two aspects of the abbreviated reign of King Ananda Mahidol (1935-1946), or King Rama VIII, of the current Chakri dynasty of Thailand. First, it discusses the royal family’s plot to thwart a romantic relationship between the young king, Ananda, and his Swiss girlfriend, Marileine Ferrari, a daughter of a famous pastor of Lausanne, Switzerland. Interracial marriage, particularly with Westerners, has been strictly forbidden for Thai kings or heirs apparent. The restriction stems from the interwoven connection between sexual relationship and the security of the throne. The second part investigates the mysterious death of King Ananda, a long-held taboo topic in Thailand. Although the two events were not specially related, both in their own way served to unavoidably shake the position of the monarchy and hence threaten its existence. The palace’s reactions to these events demonstrated its continuous search to maintain its power and ultimately to warrant its survival.

Thailand was a key ally of the United States after WWII, serving as a bulwark against communism in Southeast Asia and as a base for US troops during the Vietnam War. In return, the US provided it with millions of dollars in military and economic aid, and staunchly supported the country's various despotic regimes. And yet, the twenty-first century has witnessed a striking reversal in Thailand's foreign relations: China, once a sworn enemy, is becoming a valued ally to the military government. In this authoritative modern history, Benjamin Zawacki tells the story of Thailand's changing role in the world order. Featuring major interviews with high ranking sources in Thailand and the US, including deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra, Thailand is a fascinating insight into the inner workings of the Thai elite and their dealings with the US and China.

This thesis asserts that the current form of the proliferating modernization of Thai markets in terms of economic growth and the incorporation of building technology to improve goods storage, attractive envelope, and shopping environment, is actually neither modern nor sustainable for the Thai socio-economic system. Despite fact that Thai Markets have claimed to be modernized over time, they are merely heavily populated for a few hours each day, and otherwise remain barren. Recent reports of the declining state of the Markets also exhibit the failures of the current model of Thai markets, which avow to be modern yet are not sustainable nor competent, creating bigger crisis in Thai urban culture. My thesis argues that the temporal condition of underutilized space and the declining state of Thai markets are in fact architectural problems that need to be resolved spatially and programmatically. This thesis proposes that a new breed of architecture for Thai markets is conceivable and necessary in order for Thai markets to survive while nurturing the rich urban goods distribution, consumption, and dynamic urban spectacles. This thesis will investigate the possibilities of a new paradigm for Thai markets in Bangkok by hybridization between the Thai markets and street markets to create a model that is rather an ephemeral form of architecture, a new multi-functional space for market vending and urban activities, resulting from the braids of streets networks. This place will become a new civic building type --- which is a cross-breed between street and architecture, landscape and buildings --- to assemble the public around their common needs for commodities, leisure, and interaction.

There has long been considerable debate about the nature of non-Western IR theory. Most attempts to understand such a phenomenon begin by taking a top-down approach on a country by country basis. Instead, this book takes a bottom-up approach, involving specialists from a range of Thai universities, revealing the contours of the Thai IR community. It examines the state of various sub-fields under the IR rubric in Thailand such as foreign policy analysis, security studies, international political economy and area studies, and how Thai thinkers in these fields have contributed to IR as a discipline and IR theory development in Thailand. In doing so, it identifies factors unique to Thai academia which have hindered the development of an indigenous-sourced theory as well as exploring the similarities shared with other non-Western contexts that have posed an obstacle to the creation of a more general non-Western IR theory. Providing both an in-depth insight into the specific phenomena of Thai IR theory, and a broader perspective on the challenges of formulating non-Western IR theory, this book aims to push the debate on non-Western IR theory forward. It will be of particular interest to readers looking for a better understanding of IR theory in Thailand, but also for those more generally looking to formulate and characterise non-Western approaches to the discipline.

This book aims to provide an analysis of Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations over the past seven decades, specifically from 1950 to 2020. While other academic publications have focused on particular aspects of Cambodian-Thai relations (e.g. border conflicts or cultural ties), this book is the first to cover a comprehensive history of diplomatic relations between the two countries starting from the establishment of official diplomatic ties in 1950 to the present. In addition to empirical discussion, it seeks to explain why Cambodian-Thai relationships have fluctuated and what primary factors caused the shifts during the period discussed. In doing so, it employs the “social conflict” analysis, which views states not as unitary actors, but within which are comprised of different societal forces competing with one another and pursues foreign policies in accordance with their own ideology, interest, and strategy. As such, it is postulated that Cambodia-Thailand diplomatic relations should not be seen simply as relations between two unitary states cooperating with or securitizing against one another, but rather as a matrix of intertwining relationships between various social and political groups in both states harboring competing ideologies and/or interests to advance their power positions at home.

The wave of liberalization that swept world markets in the 1980s and 90s altered the ways that governments manage their economies. Reinventing State Capitalism analyzes the rise of new species of state capitalism in which governments interact with private investors either as majority or minority shareholders in publicly-traded corporations or as financial backers of purely private firms (the so-called “national champions”). Focusing on a detailed quantitative assessment of Brazil’s economic performance from 1976 to 2009, Aldo Musacchio and Sergio Lazzarini examine how these models of state capitalism influence corporate investment and performance. According to one model, the state acts as a majority investor, granting the state-owned enterprise (SOE) financial autonomy and allowing professional management. This form, the authors argue, has reduced many agency problems commonly faced by state ownership. According to another hybrid model, the state uses sovereign wealth funds, holding companies, and development banks to acquire a small share of equity ownership in a corporation, thereby potentially alleviating capital constraints and leveraging latent capabilities. Both models have benefits and costs. Yet neither model has entirely eliminated the temptation of governments to intervene in the operation of natural resource industries and other large strategic enterprises. Nevertheless, the longstanding debate over whether private ownership is superior or inferior to state capitalism has become irrelevant, Musacchio and Lazzarini conclude. Private ownership is now mingled with state capital on a global scale.