New Patterns Of Hispanic Settlement In Rural America

Latinos have emerged as one of the fastest-growing ethnic populations in the American South. This book presents a multidisciplinary examination of the impacts and responses across the Southeastern United States to Latino immigration. Drawing on theoretical perspectives and empirical research, each chapter is centred on the nexus between the immigrants' experiences and the construction of transformed social, economic, political and cultural spaces.

Some parts of rural America are experiencing unprecedented demographic and cultural changes as immigrant settlement patterns shift from traditional gateway cities to rural regions that have enticing economic opportunities. In particular, southwest Kansas has become a magnet for immigrant workers and their families. Between 2007 and 2008, Finney County became a majority-minority county (Callebs, 2009). However, lack of affordable housing and limited housing stock has strained communities and become an obstacle for newly settling immigrants (Stull, 2011). This study aims to redress the limited research on immigrants in rural regions and focuses specifically on the cultural experiences of Finney County Hispanic immigrants regarding integration into the local housing community. This qualitative case study is designed using the housing career framework (Murdie, 2002) to capture the factors that influence the housing experience of Hispanic immigrants. The 25 participants were recruited using snowball sampling and convenience sampling techniques. Based on the participant's language preference, the in-depth interviews were conducted in English or Spanish. This study has found that the mission of community planning has to be a multifaceted process to address the varied needs of immigrant families. Community planners and policy makers can use the information this study provides to better serve the immigrant Hispanic community, which is expected to grow over the coming years.

Starting in the early 1990s, immigration settlement patterns in the United States underwent an unprecedented shift. For a variety of reasons, immigrants, primarily from Mexico and Latin America, who had traditionally settled in five states began to disperse more widely throughout the entire country. Relatively suddenly, cities and small towns that had little previous experience with immigration saw significant increases in their Latino immigrant populations, and Hispanic populations in many of these places have continued to grow since. Not only did this open a new area of research new Hispanic destinations but it also threw into question much of what sociologists understood about assimilation and integration. This research contributes to both bodies of research by using the informal work as a proxy for the assimilation process of Latino immigrants in new, U.S. destinations. Moreover, by considering the development and use of networks of informal work, this research also relies heavily upon, and contributes to, the literature in both informal work and social networks. Because there is no one source of data that can speak directly to the complicated and evolving sociological phenomena of interest, this paper uses a three-paper dissertation format and employs a mixed-methods approach. The first paper uses national-level survey data on informal work to examine the role of this work in U.S. households generally. The second paper looks at the formal economic integration of Latinos in traditional and several categories of new destinations using the U.S. Census and American Community Survey data. The final paper uses a case study to examine the inter- and co-ethnic networks of informal work in a new, rural Hispanic destination in Oregon. Being positioned at the nexus of multiple established literatures and theory assimilation and integration, new destination migration, informal work, and social networks this research has the ability to contribute not only to a better understanding of each of these areas separately, but also to how they interact with one another in a way that has not been considered in the past. Findings highlight the role of informal work as a potential protection against poverty and its non-economic community building role, and they call into question the understanding that participation in informal work relies on labor force attachment and having a good job. These findings also show that returns to work and human capital are lower in rural communities and nonmetropolitan new destinations for both Latinos and non-Hispanic whites, which may make the reliance on informal work more important, but may also slow assimilation. Several policy responses are suggested, including formalizing the system of informal work, addressing inequality in rural communities, and assisting in the assimilation process and community response to changing demographics in new destinations.

This nation as a whole is a nation of immigrants. As many deny their ancestry, feel they have no connection to it and adopt a solely American identity, it is important to see what is happening to the new immigrants of today. Particularly in the lives of Hispanic immigrants, who now represent the largest ethnic group in North America. 0́ In 2030, nearly 1 in 4 U.S. residents will be Hispanic, up from nearly 1 in 7 in 20050́+ (Committee on Population [CPOP] & Division of Behavioral and Social Sciences and Education [DBASSE], (2006). Although there are numerous Hispanics in this country, many homogenous rural towns such as Bennington, Vermont still have a small Hispanic population impacting both long-term residents and newcomers. Are they welcomed with open arms or simply set aside and ignored because they do not fit into the mainstream perceived American culture? This study explores the lived experiences of a small group of Hispanic community members living and/or working within Bennington, Vermont. The findings reveal why they left their birth countries, what effective resources exist for them, challenges faced for community integration, and perceptions about what resources are needed for a smoother transition. Unfortunately, language ability and discrimination are the two largest barriers for community integration. These research results add to the lack of studies on this topic, within this geographic region. In sum, positive integration is always a two-way process and its effectiveness is not simply determined by what immigrants bring with them in the way of human capital. On the contrary, it is the extent to which newcomers encounter a welcoming economic, social, and political environment that is most determining of successful integration and assimilation0́+ (Carranza & Gouveia, 2002, p.3).

Due to rapid expansion in size of the Hispanic American population, Latinos are exerting an ever growing influence on the economy and culture of the United States. At the same time, their own views and lifestyles are being reshaped by exposure to the rest of American society. Hispanics' patterns of adjustment to and interaction with the surrounding environment are sure to have important implications for the group's long-term socioeconomic attainment as well as for general societal well-being. In light of the salience of the issues involved, this dissertation explores indepth a few specific facets of the process of Hispanic incorporation into American society. Chapter 1 focuses on how compositional factors (e.g. women's economic resources, mate availability) affect the marriage rates of Mexican Americans and Puerto Ricans relative to those of non-Hispanic whites and blacks. Chapter 2 examines whether the migration of Latino workers to rural areas with burgeoning Hispanic populations impinges on the economic outcomes of established residents. Chapter 3 investigates patterns of occupational segregation by ethnicity in the rural South to gauge labor market competition between Latino migrants and the region's longer-settled groups. The three studies yield several noteworthy findings. Chapter 1 documents that Mexican American and white women marry at rates well above those of Puerto Rican and, especially, African American women. In addition, the results suggest that Latinas' limited economic resources reduce their likelihood of marrying vis-à-vis whites and blacks, while their larger supply of stably employed men and higher probability of being foreign-born raise their comparative marriage odds. Chapter 2 provides evidence that growth in the Latino share of the workforce in new rural destinations leads to somewhat less desirable income and poverty trajectories for non-Hispanics. Chapter 3 shows that Hispanics in the rural South experience a large degree of occupational segregation from whites and African Americans and rank below both of these groups in occupational status on average. Furthermore, low levels of English proficiency, US citizenship, and educational attainment largely account for the disadvantaged labor market position of Hispanic workers.