Lobbying The New President

Presidential transitions offer the chance for new ideas, policies, and people to inhabit the White House. Transitions have triggered policy change for decades and eager interest groups have sought ways to capitalize on this often chaotic phase of US politics. President-Elect Barack Obama declared that lobbyists would be forbidden from serving his transition and issued stiff regulations and rules to limit their access to the planning for his White House. Yet even though Obama’s efforts mirror previous Presidents anti-lobbyist efforts, all Presidential transitions provide certain channels of influence, and Obama himself chose the head of a powerful and politically oriented think tank, the Center for American Progress, to run his transition. New Presidents need the information, ideas, and political capital that groups possess. Thus a curious paradox. Using an innovative mixed methodology integrating a historical analysis of original documents, original interviews with over 40 interest group leaders and transition leaders, a survey of 300 interest groups and content analysis of 300 interest group letters, Lobbying the New President uncovers the politics of interest group influence during Presidential transitions. In doing so, Heath Brown asks: Was the role played by Heritage in 1980 and CAP in 2008 indicative of a pattern of influence during the transition phase? Or have Presidents effectively shielded themselves from outside influence at the earliest point of their time in office? What can we learn about the larger study of interest groups and the Presidency from a focus on the transition phase? This book is a valuable resource that goes beyond the field of presidency studies which American politics scholars as well as public policy specialists should not go without.

"Robert Alexander convincingly argues that presidential electors--long considered by many as inconsequential, if not benign--are a serious danger to the health of our representative democracy. In one of the first systematic studies of its kind, Alexander presents a theory of elector behavior that explains why electors will continue to plague the system unless we institute reform. This book is indispensable for a deeper understanding of the presidential electoral process." - Gary E. Bugh, Texas A&M University "Presidential Electors and the Electoral College is an eye opener. Robert Alexander's exhaustive research has revealed some surprising results about the arcane and, as some maintain, undemocratic Electoral College. The fact that many electors are lobbied to change their votes after the presidential election should serve as a warning that the Electoral College is a disaster waiting to happen--again." - Michael A. Genovese, Loyola Marymount University "Robert Alexander's Presidential Electors and the Electoral College is a valuable and much-needed examination of a long-neglected constitutional challenge. His analytical research is a serious contribution to our understanding of the Electoral College and its problems." - Thomas Cronin, Colorado College "Dr. Alexander has brought this very important history to life in a way that can help all of us look more carefully into the future. With lots of current public debate about the future of the Electoral College, this book provides a comprehensive and much-needed examination of one of the challenges that we have faced since the founding of our nation." - Mark Ritchie, Minnesota Secretary of State

Corporate lobbyists are everywhere in Washington. Of the 100 organizations that spend the most on lobbying, 95 represent business. The largest companies now have upwards of 100 lobbyists representing them. How did American businesses become so invested in politics? And what does all their money buy? Drawing on extensive data and original interviews with corporate lobbyists, The Business of America is Lobbying provides a fascinating and detailed picture of what corporations do in Washington, why they do it, and why it matters. Prior to the 1970s, very few corporations had Washington offices. But a wave of new government regulations and declining economic conditions mobilized business leaders. Companies developed new political capacities, and managers soon began to see public policy as an opportunity, not just a threat. Ever since, corporate lobbying has become increasingly more pervasive, more proactive, and more particularistic. Lee Drutman argues that lobbyists drove this development, helping managers to see why politics mattered, and how proactive and aggressive engagement could help companies' bottom lines. All this lobbying doesn't guarantee influence. Politics is a messy and unpredictable bazaar, and it is more competitive than ever. But the growth of lobbying has driven several important changes that make business more powerful. The status quo is harder to dislodge; policy is more complex; and, as Congress increasingly becomes a farm league for K Street, more and more of Washington's policy expertise now resides in the private sector. These and other changes increasingly raise the costs of effective lobbying to a level only businesses can typically afford. Lively and engaging, rigorous and nuanced, The Business of America is Lobbying will change how we think about lobbying-and how we might reform it.

Presidential transitions offer the chance for new ideas, policies, and people to inhabit the White House. Transitions have triggered policy change for decades and eager interest groups have sought ways to capitalize on this often chaotic phase of US politics. President-Elect Barack Obama declared that lobbyists would be forbidden from serving his transition and issued stiff regulations and rules to limit their access to the planning for his White House. Yet even though Obama’s efforts mirror previous Presidents anti-lobbyist efforts, all Presidential transitions provide certain channels of influence, and Obama himself chose the head of a powerful and politically oriented think tank, the Center for American Progress, to run his transition. New Presidents need the information, ideas, and political capital that groups possess. Thus a curious paradox. Using an innovative mixed methodology integrating a historical analysis of original documents, original interviews with over 40 interest group leaders and transition leaders, a survey of 300 interest groups and content analysis of 300 interest group letters, Lobbying the New President uncovers the politics of interest group influence during Presidential transitions. In doing so, Heath Brown asks: Was the role played by Heritage in 1980 and CAP in 2008 indicative of a pattern of influence during the transition phase? Or have Presidents effectively shielded themselves from outside influence at the earliest point of their time in office? What can we learn about the larger study of interest groups and the Presidency from a focus on the transition phase? This book is a valuable resource that goes beyond the field of presidency studies which American politics scholars as well as public policy specialists should not go without.

Can presidents influence whether Congress enacts their agenda? Most research on presidential-congressional relations suggests that presidents have little if any influence on Congress. Instead, structural factors like party control largely determine the fate of the president’s legislative agenda. In The President on Capitol Hill, Jeffrey E. Cohen challenges this conventional view, arguing that existing research has underestimated the president’s power to sway Congress and developing a new theory of presidential influence. Cohen demonstrates that by taking a position, the president converts an issue from a nonpresidential into a presidential one, which leads members of Congress to consider the president’s views when deciding how to vote. Presidential position taking also converts the factors that normally affect roll call voting—such as party, public opinion, and policy type—into resources that presidents can leverage to influence the vote. By testing all House roll calls from 1877 to 2012, Cohen finds that not only do presidents have more influence than previously thought, but through their influence, they can affect the substance of public policy. The President on Capitol Hill offers a new perspective on presidential-congressional relations, showing that presidents are not simply captives of larger political forces but rather major players in the legislative process.

With a New Foreword In So Damn Much Money, veteran Washington Post editor and correspondent Robert Kaiser gives a detailed account of how the boom in political lobbying since the 1970s has shaped American politics by empowering special interests, undermining effective legislation, and discouraging the country’s best citizens from serving in office. Kaiser traces this dramatic change in our political system through the colorful story of Gerald S. J. Cassidy, one of Washington’s most successful lobbyists. Superbly told, it’s an illuminating dissection of a political system badly in need of reform.

In recent decades Washington has seen an alarming rise in the number of "revolving door lobbyists"—politicians and officials cashing in on their government experience to become influence peddlers on K Street. These lobbyists, popular wisdom suggests, sell access to the highest bidder. Revolving Door Lobbying tells a different, more nuanced story. As an insider interviewed in the book observes, where the general public has the "impression that lobbyists actually get things done, I would say 90 percent of what lobbyists do is prevent harm to their client from the government." Drawing on extensive new data on lobbyists’ biographies and interviews with dozens of experts, authors Timothy M. LaPira and Herschel F. Thomas establish the facts of the revolving door phenomenon—facts that suggest that, contrary to widespread assumptions about insider access, special interests hire these lobbyists as political insurance against an increasingly dysfunctional, unpredictable government. With their insider experience, revolving door lobbyists offer insight into the political process, irrespective of their connections to current policymakers. What they provide to their clients is useful and marketable political risk-reduction. Exploring this claim, LaPira and Thomas present a systematic analysis of who revolving door lobbyists are, how they differ from other lobbyists, what interests they represent, and how they seek to influence public policy. The first book to marshal comprehensive evidence of revolving door lobbying, LaPira and Thomas revise the notion that lobbyists are inherently and institutionally corrupt. Rather, the authors draw a complex and sobering picture of the revolving door as a consequence of the eroding capacity of government to solve the public’s problems.

'We need effective citizen-lobbyists – not just likers, followers or even marchers – more than ever. I have no hesitation in lobbying you to read this book.' Bill Emmott, former editor in chief, the Economist Many democratic societies are experiencing a crisis of faith. Citizens are making clear their frustration with their supposedly representative governments, which instead seem driven by the interests of big business, powerful individuals and wealthy lobby groups. What can we do about it? How do we fix democracy and get our voices heard? The answer, argues Alberto Alemanno, is to become change-makers – citizen lobbyists. By using our skills and talents and mobilizing others, we can bring about social and political change. Whoever you are, you've got power, and this book will show you how to unleash it. From successfully challenging Facebook's use of private data to abolishing EU mobile phone roaming charges, Alberto highlights the stories of those who have lobbied for change, and shows how you can follow in their footsteps, whether you want to influence immigration policy, put pressure on big business or protect your local community.

... a comprehensive, `insider's view' of the array of techniques that can be used to influence governmental policies and decisions. The text describes the origins of lobbying and illustrates the resources and tactics that are used by state and federal lobbyists. The reader learns `the ins and outs' of coalitions, grassroots strategy and political action committees. Mack concludes with a visionary look at lobbying in the future and presents a very useful summary of `Sources and Resources' that are useful in government relations work. Corporate Public Issues Written for executives of corporations, trade associations, labor unions, and other organizations interested in influencing legislation and regulations, this book is a comprehensive handbook on the array of techniques and technologies that can be used to influence governmental policies and decisions. Mack describes how to start or revitalize government relations programs at the federal, state, or local levels and presents a variety of tools designed to maximize the reader's understanding of how particular processes can be applied in practice, including step-by-step guidance and several models. Thorough coverage of issues such as planning, organization, and analysis as well as detailed information about specific government relations techniques, particularly direct lobbying, make this an invaluable resource that belongs on the bookshelf of every corporate executive with a need to start, reassess, or revitalize government relations programs in their companies; executives and leaders of trade associations, labor unions, public interest groups, and other organizations with a similar need; government officials, including legislators and their staffs, with an interest in exploring how the private sector approaches government relations; civic and community leaders wishing to learn how the lobbying process operates; and political science students, both graduate and undergraduate, with a need for a practical book on the lobbying arts to supplement the many scholarly works on interest group analysis. Mack emphasizes the importance of sound advance planning and mobilization of resources and explains how to analyze needs, how to research and evaluate the importance of issues, how to develop lobbying strategies, and how to manage a government relations staff. A special section on Sources and Resources lists a variety of publications, periodicals, information services, and organizations that can aid in the research process. Specific techniques are covered in-depth including different forms of direct lobbying, lobbying at the federal and state levels, the utilization of coalitions and trade associations, grass-roots lobbying, and the use of political action committees. Mack concludes with a look at the future, exploring the new forces and issues confronting government relations practitioners and the new technologies drawn from marketing and politics that will revolutionize the field by the end of the century.

Inside the Green Lobby recounts the behind-the-scenes efforts, both at the State Capitol in Albany and the halls of Congress, of a lobbyist for a major environmental advocacy group. Bernard C. Melewski worked to save the six-million acre Adirondack Park from twin threats to its future: the devastating damage from acid rain and the sudden breakup of massive private land holdings that had been intact for almost one hundred years. Starting with the political uproar ignited by the recommendations of New York Governor Mario Cuomo’s 1990 Adirondack Park Commission, and the rejection by the public of a new environmental bond act, Inside the Green Lobby documents the events that led to the sudden acquisition by New York State of tens of thousands of acres within the park that the public now enjoys. From strategy sessions with lobbyists to private meetings with legislators, governors, members of Congress, and even the President of the United States, Melewski recounts engaging and entertaining stories that introduce how environmental advocates successfully pursue legislative and policy change.