Inklings Of Democracy In China

Since 1979 China's leaders have introduced economic and political reforms that have lessened the state's hold over the lives of ordinary citizens. By examining the growth in individual rights, the public sphere, democratic processes, and pluralization, the author seeks to answer questions concerning the relevance of liberal democratic ideas for China and the relationship between a democratic political culture and a democratic political system. The author also looks at the contradictory impulses and negative consequences for democracy generated by economic liberalism. Unresolved issues concerning the relationships among culture, democracy, and socioeconomic development are at the heart of the analysis. Nonideological criteria are used to assess the success of the Chinese approach to building a fair, just, and decent society.

"Since 1979 China’s leaders have introduced economic and political reforms that have lessened the state’s hold over the lives of ordinary citizens. By examining the growth in individual rights, the public sphere, democratic processes, and pluralization, the author seeks to answer questions concerning the relevance of liberal democratic ideas for China and the relationship between a democratic political culture and a democratic political system. The author also looks at the contradictory impulses and negative consequences for democracy generated by economic liberalism. Unresolved issues concerning the relationships among culture, democracy, and socioeconomic development are at the heart of the analysis. Nonideological criteria are used to assess the success of the Chinese approach to building a fair, just, and decent society."

China's dramatic economic growth in the last two decades of the last century and the prospect of its rise as a great power in this new one have greatly increased its weight and importance in world affairs. Consequently the progress, or lack of progress, of China's transition to democracy has become a central concern of the international community. This timely collection brings together many well-known scholars to systematically explore China's current government and assess that transition toward democracy. The contributors seek to bridge the gap between normative theories of democracy and empirical studies of China's political development by providing a comprehensive overview of China's domestic history, economy, and public political ideologies. Overall the volume contends that Chinese culture and Confucianism are not the obstacles to democratic transition that some scholars have said they are, and that the success of market reforms has eroded authoritarian rule. This weakening does not guarantee a successful transition, however, and the contributors show that there are many reasons to be skeptical about the short-term prospects for democracy in China, including historical failures, the underdevelopment of civil society, political apathy, and competing social values. Though China's political culture is essentially neither anti-democratic not pro-democratic, it must still overcome many obstacles in order to achieve democracy.

A respected Chinese political philosopher calls for the Communist Party to take the lead in moving China along the path to democracy before it is too late. With Xi Jinping potentially set as president for life, China’s move toward political democracy may appear stalled. But Jiwei Ci argues that four decades of reform have created a mentality in the Chinese people that is just waiting for the political system to catch up, resulting in a disjunction between popular expectations and political realities. The inherent tensions in a largely democratic society without a democratic political system will trigger an unprecedented crisis of legitimacy, forcing the Communist Party to act or die. Two crises loom for the government. First is the waning of the Communist Party’s revolutionary legacy, which the party itself sees as a grave threat. Second is the fragility of the next leadership transition. No amount of economic success will compensate for the party’s legitimacy deficit when the time comes. The only effective response, Ci argues, will be an orderly transition to democracy. To that end, the Chinese government needs to start priming its citizens for democracy, preparing them for new civil rights and civic responsibilities. Embracing this pragmatic role offers the Communist Party a chance to survive. Its leaders therefore have good reason to initiate democratic change. Sure to challenge the Communist Party and stir debate, Democracy in China brings an original and important voice to an issue with far-reaching consequences for China and the world.

This book argues that the liberal concept of rights presupposes and is grounded in an individualistic culture or shared way of relating, and that this particular shared way of relating emerged only in the wake of the Reformation in the modern West.

This study explores whether citizenship education in Chinese higher education has developed traces of a democratic political culture during the post Mao. Since China instituted reforms from 1978, it has made great achievements in terms of economy and education. These achievements are known in the literature to facilitate democratization, but China remains an authoritarian regime. Studies regarding China's democratisation show highly contrasting views. Scholars suggest that China has shown inklings of democracy as part of a third wave of global democratisation; some claim that democratization has emerged with characteristics of East Asian values; others consider that the China has not yet developed democracy. I analysed themes of the officially promoted ideologies, definitions of the regime, and political reforms with particular relevance to the shaping of values, identity and citizenship contained within 39 university textbooks of the compulsory 'Politics' curriculum from 1978 to 2018, and official political education documents, plus fieldwork undertaken at 5 Chinese universities. This study identifies how political education in Chinese higher education has changed since 1978, especially in terms of the periodization and portrayal of democracy. The study suggests fluctuating developments in political education in higher education during three broad periods during the post Mao era. Each period has distinct features. The first period is the 85 Program reforms during the 1980s when the Chinese government adjusted the relationship between developing the economy and learning in Chinese higher education. Cultivating higher level technicians and skilful scientists for the needs of economic development became the primary task of Chinese higher education. The second period is the '98 Program Reform' from the early 1990s to 2003 during which the Chinese government developed a clear policy of marketization of Chinese higher education with firm political control. The third period is 'the 05 Program Reforms' which started from 2003. The curriculum for political education in higher education was completely and systemically centralized, and patriotic education which had begun in 1990 developed into Chinese nationalism. Notably, after, Xi Jin-ping became the leader of the CCP in 2013, Xi-ism has led China towards increasing militarism, authoritarianism and xenophobic nationalism. These features of political education at university level may suggest the start of a new era. The study also demonstrates a range of contradictory relationships between higher education and democratisation. The Chinese government firmly controls political education in order to train university students to become the kinds of citizens the CCP requires. However, Chinese intellectuals, textbook authors and university students have potential to make contributions to democratisation when the Chinese regime less control universities. In this study, I speculatively propose that China has developed a Chinese version of socialist democracy, and that democratisation has fluctuated at the level of official discourse during the post Mao era. Economic development, Chinese culture and Marxist-Leninist ideology have shaped processes of democratisation. This unique combination has resulted in a form of illiberal democracy in China known as democratic centralism, wherein elections are held at different levels, and there are multiple participants in the regime, but not all people have equal rights or life chances, and top-down political reforms control democratic development.

Authored by Professor Yu Keping, a famous Chinese political scholar, this book focuses on the core issues of democracy and the rule of law in China. It provides the readers with insights into China's political development in the past 60 years and the changes in China's governance in the past 30 years, especially pertaining to democracy in China's governance. The book encapsulates Prof Yu's reform ideas on political development in China, and gives the readers a glimpse into the future of China's democracy.

In recent decades, China has become a quasi-capitalist economicpowerhouse. Yet it continues to be ruled by the same CommunistParty-dominated government that has been in power since 1949. Buthow has China’s political system achieved such longevity? Andwhat does its stability tell us about the future of authoritarianversus liberal democratic governance? In this detailed analysis of the deeply intertwined relationshipbetween the ruling Communist Party and governing state, noted Chinaexpert Teresa Wright provides insightful answers to these importantquestions. Though many believe that the Chinese party-statehas maintained its power despite its communist and authoritarianfeatures, Wright argues that the key to its sustained success liesin its careful safeguarding of some key communist and authoritariancharacteristics, while simultaneously becoming more open andresponsive to public participation. She contends thatChina’s post-Mao party-state compares well to different formsof political rule, including liberal democratic government. It has fulfilled the necessary functions of a stable governingregime: satisfying key demographic groups and responding to publicgrievances; maintaining economic stability and growth; anddelivering public services - without any real reduction in CCPpower and influence. Questioning current understandings of the nature, strengths, andweaknesses of democracy and authoritarianism, thisthought-provoking book will be essential reading for all studentsand scholars of Chinese politics and international relations.

This book investigates whether the theory of deliberative democracy - developed in the West to focus democratic theory on the legitimation that deliberation can afford - has any application to Chinese processes of democratization. It discovers pockets of theory useful to guide Chinese practices, and also Chinese practice that can educate the West.