Hurrah For The Blackshirts

Britain is celebrated for having avoided the extremism, political violence and instability that blighted many European countries between the two world wars. But her success was a closer thing than has been realized. Disillusionment with parliamentary democracy, outbreaks of fascist violence and fears of communist subversion in industry and the Empire ran through the entire period. Fascist organizations may have failed to attract the support they achieved elsewhere but fascist ideas were adopted from top to bottom of society and by men and women in all parts of the country. This book will demonstrate for the first time the true spread and depth of fascist beliefs - and the extent to which they were distinctly British. Rich in anecdotes and extraordinary characters, Hurrah for the Blackshirts! shows us an inter-war Britain on the high-road to fascism but never quite arriving at its destination.

Hated and adored, trusted and feared, respected and scorned - public opinion has never been indifferent to Sir Oswald Mosley. A skilled politician, Mosley turned his back on conventional party politics to found, in 1932, the British Union of Fascists. Over the intervening years, many have worked hard to guard Mosley's reputation but Blackshirt casts new light on the man. It reveals the true nature of his relationship with the Nazis, and challenges the prevailing view of his descent into anti-Semitism. With ground-breaking research, Stephen Dorril uncovers an extraordinary set of characters and behind-the-scenes friends and colleagues who supported Mosley - the crooks, swindlers, political and royal figures, secret agents, Nazi spies, lovers and 'crackpots' - and who helped to create the most infamous politician of the twentieth century. Praise for Blackshirt: 'The authority of this book rests on thorough research' - Sunday Telegraph 'An exhaustively researched and provocative study' - Sunday Times Stephen Dorril is a widely respected authority on the security and intelligence services. He has written several books on intelligence and contemporary history, most recently MI6, covering the last fifty years of special operations. He is a regular consultant on TV documentaries and is a senior lecturer at Huddersfield University. He lives near Huddersfield

The British Fascisti, the first fascism movement in Britain, was founded by a woman in 1923. During the 1930s, 25 per cent of Sir Oswald Mosley's supporters were women, and his movement was 'largely built up by the fanaticism of women.' What was it about the British form of Fascism that accounted for this conspicuous female support? Gottlieb addresses these questions in the definitive work on women in fascism. This book continues to fill a significant gap in the historiography of British fascism, which has generally overlooked the contribution of women on the one hand, and the importance of sexual politics and women's issues on the other. Gottlieb's extensive research makes use of government documents, a large range of contemporary pamphlets, newspapers and speeches, as well as original interviews with those personally involved in the movement. This new edition includes a preface analysing the current affairs of the last 20 years, reframing the book according to contemporary context. Here, Gottlieb looks at the resurgence of populism, the rise of women as leaders of far-right parties across Europe and North America, and the normalisation of fascism in fiction and political discourse.

This clear, balanced survey provides an accessible guide to the essential features of British fascism in the inter-war period with a special attention to fascism and culture. The book explores the various definitions of fascism and analyzes the origins of British fascism, fascist parties, groups and membership, and British fascist anti-Semitism.

The publication of the first edition of 'The Greater Britain' coincided with the formation of the British Union of Fascists by Oswald Mosley in 1932. It provided hope and inspiration for tens of thousands of British men and women seeking an end to the Great Depression - and an alternative to communism and capitalism. In this important book Mosley set out his plans for a new economic order - and a new system of government to implement it. This would involve Britain's withdrawal from the chaos of world markets into a self-sufficient trading area based on Great Britain and her Empire. It was argued that this alone could free the people from exploitation by International Finance which used cheap labour in Asia and the Far East to undercut British and Empire workers - resulting in the destruction of our major industries. The book also outlines an alternative to 'sham democracy' and its replacement by a British Corporate State. Under this proposal all working people would share the profits they helped to create and they would be empowered by voting along vocational rather than 19th. Century geographic lines. Other chapters deal with 'The State and the Citizen', a new concept of public service, and 'Fascism and its Neighbours', the new movement's attitude towards foreign relations and defence. Any understanding of what the Modern Movement really stood for in Great Britain is incomplete without having read 'The Greater Britain'.

This text charts the rise and fall of the Mirror newspaper, which remains such an integral part of 20th century British popular culture, and provides a fascinating expose ́on the state of the Mirror and its competitors today.

Distinguished historian Martin Pugh offers a colourful and controversial revisionist history of Britain in the 1920s-30s.

Nancy Mitford’s most controversial novel, unavailable for decades, is a hilarious satirical send-up of the fascist political enthusiasms of her sisters Unity and Diana, and of her notorious brother-in-law, Sir Oswald Mosley. Written in 1934, early in Hitler’s rise, Wigs on the Green lightheartedly skewers the devoted followers of British fascism. The sheltered and unworldy Eugenia Malmain is one of the richest girls in England and an ardent supporter of General Jack and his Union Jackshirts. World-weary Noel Foster and his scheming friend Jasper Aspect are in search of wealthy heiresses to marry; Lady Marjorie, disguised as a commoner, is on the run from the Duke she has just jilted at the altar; and her friend Poppy is considering whether to divorce her rich husband. When these characters converge with the colorful locals at a grandly misconceived costume pageant that turns into a brawl between Pacifists and Jackshirts, madcap farce ensues. Long suppressed by the author out of sensitivity to family feelings, Wigs on the Green can now be enjoyed by fans of Mitford’s superbly comic novels.

In 1942 Gearóid Ó Cuinneagáin, a young pro-Axis activist, founded Ailtirí na hAiséirghe ("Architects of the Resurrection"), a fascist movement that aimed to destroy the infant Irish democracy and replace it with a one-party totalitarian state. But Ailtirí na hAiséirghe was no Nazi imitator. Rather, it aimed at something far more ambitious: the fusion of totalitarianism and Christianity that would make Ireland a "missionary-ideological state" wielding global influence in the postwar era. Supported by idealistic youths and mainstream politicians like Ernest Blythe, Oliver J. Flanagan and Dan Breen--and scrutinized anxiously by British and American intelligence--Aiséirghe won several seats in the 1945 local government elections. Architects of the Resurrection casts an uncomfortable light on the popularity of anti-democratic, anti-Semitic and extremist ideas in wartime Ireland. Students of Irish history and of comparative fascism will find many new insights in this book.