From Totalitarian To Democratic Hungary

By 1989 it was obvious that the majority of Hungary's population wanted fundamental political, economic, and social changes. The situation resembled what prevailed in 1956, when massive Soviet aggression suppressed a newborn Hungarian democracy. This time it was totally up to the Hungarians. Essays by leading Hungarian and Western scholars expose the political, economic, moral, legal, judicial, and cultural components of the peaceful transition that over a ten-year period led to democracy in Hungary.

NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER • “Comprehensive, enlightening, and terrifyingly timely.”—The New York Times Book Review (Editors' Choice) WINNER OF THE GOLDSMITH BOOK PRIZE • SHORTLISTED FOR THE LIONEL GELBER PRIZE • NAMED ONE OF THE BEST BOOKS OF THE YEAR BY The Washington Post • Time • Foreign Affairs • WBUR • Paste Donald Trump’s presidency has raised a question that many of us never thought we’d be asking: Is our democracy in danger? Harvard professors Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt have spent more than twenty years studying the breakdown of democracies in Europe and Latin America, and they believe the answer is yes. Democracy no longer ends with a bang—in a revolution or military coup—but with a whimper: the slow, steady weakening of critical institutions, such as the judiciary and the press, and the gradual erosion of long-standing political norms. The good news is that there are several exit ramps on the road to authoritarianism. The bad news is that, by electing Trump, we have already passed the first one. Drawing on decades of research and a wide range of historical and global examples, from 1930s Europe to contemporary Hungary, Turkey, and Venezuela, to the American South during Jim Crow, Levitsky and Ziblatt show how democracies die—and how ours can be saved. Praise for How Democracies Die “What we desperately need is a sober, dispassionate look at the current state of affairs. Steven Levitsky and Daniel Ziblatt, two of the most respected scholars in the field of democracy studies, offer just that.”—The Washington Post “Where Levitsky and Ziblatt make their mark is in weaving together political science and historical analysis of both domestic and international democratic crises; in doing so, they expand the conversation beyond Trump and before him, to other countries and to the deep structure of American democracy and politics.”—Ezra Klein, Vox “If you only read one book for the rest of the year, read How Democracies Die. . . .This is not a book for just Democrats or Republicans. It is a book for all Americans. It is nonpartisan. It is fact based. It is deeply rooted in history. . . . The best commentary on our politics, no contest.”—Michael Morrell, former Acting Director of the Central Intelligence Agency (via Twitter) “A smart and deeply informed book about the ways in which democracy is being undermined in dozens of countries around the world, and in ways that are perfectly legal.”—Fareed Zakaria, CNN

How has Hungary, a country once considered the vanguard of postcommunist political and economic reforms, become the chilling example of the new threats now destabilizing democracies across Central Europe? The unwelcome return of Hungary's long-buried demons -- nationalism, ethnic hatred, deeply-rooted corruption, and authoritarian tendencies -- are raising legitimate concerns. Since winning a two-thirds majority in parliament in the spring of 2010, right-wing populist Prime Minister Viktor Orban has embarked on a sweeping and ruthless concentration of power, seeking to reshape the state according to the principles of his own private vision. A new constitution introducing a vast series of laws and decrees -- including radical changes in the judicial and electoral system as well as the dismantling of constitutional safeguards protecting the autonomy of the executive branch and the media -- seem destined to ensure the long-term hegemony of the far right. In addition, a campaign of vitriolic nationalist rhetoric and the likelihood of granting new voting rights to two and a half million ethnic Hungarians living in Romania, Slovakia, and Serbia have increased tensions in this volatile corner of Europe. Paul Lendvai provides an unsparing look at these developments, grounding his study in intimate knowledge of Hungary's major political figures and political culture. Lendvai also makes use of his unique insight into the aftermath of the fall of communism, which not only changed Hungary but also produced new political and social tensions in the Danube basin.

An analysis of the process of transition from dictatorship to pluralist democracy in Hungary. The contributors examine issues such as the legitimation crisis of communist rule, internal struggles within the Communist Party, constitutional reform and voting behaviour at the first free elections.

Unlike in other countries of Eastern Europe where the opposition to communism came in the form of single mass movements led by charismatic leaders such as Václav Havel and Lech Wałęsa, in Hungary the opposition was very fragmented, brought together and made effective only by the authoritative, significant but relatively unknown Árpád Göncz, who subsequently became Hungary’s first post-communist president. This book charts the political career of Árpád Göncz, outlining the outstanding contribution he made to Hungary’s transition to democracy. Drawing on a wide range of sources, including archives and interviews with Göncz himself and others, it shows how Göncz, unlike Havel who was a playwright and whose political role was largely symbolic, was a campaigning politician all his life, consistently advocating social democratic, but not communist, values. Imprisoned from 1956 for his participation in the 1956 uprising, Göncz was a highly-effective political operator in the transition period around 1989, and as president wielded real power effectively. As politics in Hungary are again marred by deep division and fragmentation, Göncz’s success in bringing rival groups together is even more pronounced.

Having won a two-third majority in Parliament at the 2010 elections, the Hungarian political party Fidesz removed many of the institutional obstacles of exerting power. Just like the party, the state itself was placed under the control of a single individual, who since then has applied the techniques used within his party to enforce submission and obedience onto society as a whole. In a new approach the author characterizes the system as the ?organized over-world?, the ?state employing mafia methods? and the ?adopted political family', applying these categories not as metaphors but elements of a coherent conceptual framework. The actions of the post-communist mafia state model are closely aligned with the interests of power and wealth concentrated in the hands of a small group of insiders. While the traditional mafia channeled wealth and economic players into its spheres of influence by means of direct coercion, the mafia state does the same by means of parliamentary legislation, legal prosecution, tax authority, police forces and secret service. The innovative conceptual framework of the book is important and timely not only for Hungary, but also for other post-communist countries subjected to autocratic rules. ÿ

This book examines the crisis of democracy in Hungary since the election of the Fidesz government in 2010. It argues that Fidesz seeks to challenge the capitalist and democratic transformation that shaped Hungary after the fall of communism by increasing the power of the state over crucial aspects of the economy and the political system.