Factional Politics

Insightful and informative, Mehdi Moslem's is the first book to provide a detailed account of Iran's post-revolutionary politics. A profound analysis of the diverse political, sociocultural, economic, and foreign policy issues that have engulfed revolutionary Islamic Iran since its inception, this book is not only a must read for those interested in contemporary Iran but also an indispensable book for teachers of contemporary Middle East affairs and scholars of Islamic politics. Since the landslide victory of President Mohammed Khatami in May 1997, the official line of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been a study in contradictions. On one hand, Khatami condemned Iran's past fanaticism, declaring his nation eager to embrace global standards based on mutual respect between nations regardless of ideologies: on the other hand, an opposing faction continues to perpetrate Iran's enmity toward the West, America in particular. These two main factions also present competing versions of current national policies, and consequently the regime appears simultaneously to be practical and ideological—and to outsiders unfathomable.

Drawing on theories of neo-institutionalism to show how institutions shape dissident behaviour, Boucek develops new ways of measuring factionalism and explains its effects on office tenure. In each of the four cases - from Britain, Canada, Italy and Japan - intra-party dynamics are analyzed through times series and rational choice tools.

This book addresses the nature of factionalism in parties that are created or rebuilt after a period of dictatorship. It maintains that, while party leaders often view factions in negative terms as divisive, factional behaviour can also be constructive. The volume brings together detailed case studies from post-authoritarian Spain, Greece and Portugal, from Turkey (where factionalism has hampered democratization) and from the post-communist states in Eastern Europe.

This volume examines how factional competition in ancient New World societies led to the development of chiefdoms, states and empires.

Drawing on theories of neo-institutionalism to show how institutions shape dissident behaviour, Boucek develops new ways of measuring factionalism and explains its effects on office tenure. In each of the four cases - from Britain, Canada, Italy and Japan - intra-party dynamics are analyzed through times series and rational choice tools.

Factionalism is widely understood to be a distinguishing characteristic of Chinese politics. In this book, Jing Huang examines the role of factionalism in leadership relations and policy making. His detailed knowledge of intra-Party politics offers a new understanding of still-disputed struggles behind the high walls of leadership in Zhongnanhai. Critiqueing the predominant theories on leadership and decisionmaking, he explains that it is not power struggles that give rise to factionalism, but rather the existence of "factionalism that turns power into an overriding goal in CCP politics."

How does the Chinese banking sector really work? Nearly all financial institutions in China are managed by members of the Communist Party, yet economists and even those who engage the Chinese banking sector simply do not have a framework with which to analyze the links between banking and politics. Drawing from interviews, statistical analysis, and archival research, this book is the first to develop a framework with which to analyze how elite politics impact both monetary and banking policies. This book serves as an important reference point for all subsequent work on Chinese banking.

Between 1044 and 1104, ideological disputes divided China’s sociopolitical elite, who organized into factions battling for control of the imperial government. Advocates and adversaries of state reform forged bureaucratic coalitions to implement their policy agendas and to promote like-minded colleagues. During this period, three emperors and two regents in turn patronized a new bureaucratic coalition that overturned the preceding ministerial regime and its policies. This ideological and political conflict escalated with every monarchical transition in a widening circle of retribution that began with limited purges and ended with extensive blacklists of the opposition. Divided by a Common Language is the first English-language study to approach the political history of the late Northern Song in its entirety and the first to engage the issue of factionalism in Song political culture. Ari Daniel Levine explores the complex intersection of Chinese political, cultural, and intellectual history by examining the language that ministers and monarchs used to articulate conceptions of political authority. Despite their rancorous disputes over state policy, factionalists shared a common repertoire of political discourses and practices, which they used to promote their comrades and purge their adversaries. Conceiving of factions in similar ways, ministers sought monarchical approval of their schemes, employing rhetoric that imagined the imperial court as the ultimate source of ethical and political authority. Factionalists used the same polarizing rhetoric to vilify their opponents—who rejected their exclusive claims to authority as well as their ideological program—as treacherous and disloyal. They pressured emperors and regents to identify the malign factions that were spreading at court and expel them from the metropolitan bureaucracy before they undermined the dynastic polity. By analyzing theoretical essays, court memorials, and political debates from the period, Levine interrogates the intellectual assumptions and linguistic limitations that prevented Northern Song politicians from defending or even acknowledging the existence of factions. From the Northern Song to the Ming and Qing dynasties, this dominant discourse of authority continued to restrain members of China’s sociopolitical elite from articulating interests that acted independently from, or in opposition to, the dynastic polity. Deeply grounded in both primary and secondary sources, Levine’s study is important for the clarity and fluidity with which it presents a critical period in the development of Chinese imperial history and government.