Conflict Resolution In South Caucasus

This book aims to highlight the efforts by the international community to facilitate solutions to the conflicts in the South Caucasus, and focuses particularly on the existing challenges to these efforts. The South Caucasus region has long been roiled by the lingering ethno-national conflicts—Nagorno-Karabakh conflict between Armenia and Azerbaijan, Abkhazia and South Ossetia conflicts within Georgia—that continue to disrupt security and stability in the entire region. Throughout different phases of the conflicts the international community has shown varying degrees of activism in conflict resolution. For clarity purposes, it should be emphasized that the notion of “international community” will be confined to the relevant organizations that have palpable share in the process—the UN, the OSCE, and the EU—and the states that have the biggest impact on conflict resolution and the leverage on the conflicting parties—Russia, Turkey, and the United States.

State building processes in the Caucasus are influenced by the culture of the Caucasus, and previous experiences with state building after World War I. The conflicts which erupted at the time have influenced territorial claims. The role of foreign powers as Russia, the United States, Turkey, Germany is considerable in the region. Divide and rule policy of Joseph Stalin is another factor which describes existing animosities between peoples in the Caucasus. Since 1989 a transition process, or state building process, has started in the North and the South Caucasus. This book gives an in-depth analysis of the backgrounds of the conflicts, including activities by IGO's and NGOs, and the developments in international law with regard to state building practice.

The Caucasus region, situated on a natural isthmus between the Black Sea and the Caspian Sea, has long been a border zone and a melting pot for a diverse range of cultures and peoples. As the intersection between Europe and Asia, and also - tween Russia and the Ottoman and Persian Empires, it has featured in the strategic plans of numerous great powers over the centuries. Given its abundance of natural resources, the ready-made raw material transport routes to Europe and its enduring position on the edge of Russia, nothing has changed to the present day. The tremendous development opportunities of the Caucasian region are being tarnished by unresolved territorial conflicts that put a continual and regionally balanced growth, sustained democratisation and long-term stability at risk. These conflicts, which all erupted with the dissolution of the Soviet Union, include the separatist movements in Abkhazia, Chechnya, Nagorno-Karabakh and South - setia. The war over South Ossetia, which erupted between Russia and Georgia in August 2008, spelt out the explosive potential still inherent in these conflicts.

This book is the first historical work to study the creation of ethnic autonomies in the Caucasus in the 1920s – the transitional period from Russian Empire to Soviet Union. Seventy years later these ethnic autonomies were to become the loci of violent ethno-political conflicts which have consistently been blamed on the policies of the Bolsheviks and Stalin. According to this view, the Soviet leadership deliberately set up ethnic autonomies within the republics, thereby giving Moscow unprecedented leverage against each republic. From Conflict to Autonomy in the Caucasus questions this assumption by examining three case studies: Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Nagorno Karabakh are placed within the larger socio-political context of transformations taking place in this borderland region during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. It examines demographic, social and economic consequences of the Russian colonization and resulting replacement of traditional societies and identities with modern ones. Based on original Russian language sources and archival materials, the book brings together two periods that are usually studied separately – the period of the Russian Civil War 1917–20 and the early Soviet period – in order to understand the roots of the Bolshevik decision-making policy when granting autonomies. It argues that rather than being the product of blatant political manipulation this was an attempt at conflict resolution. The institution of political autonomy, however, became a powerful tool for national mobilization during the Soviet era. Contributing both to the general understanding of the early Soviet nationality policy and to our understanding of the conflicts that have engulfed the Caucasus region since the 1990s, this book will be of interest to scholars of Central Asian studies, Russian/Soviet history, ethnic conflict, security studies and International Relations.

This collection surveys the three South Caucasian states’ economic, social and political evolution since their independence in 1991. It assesses their successes and failures in these areas, including their attempts to build new national identities and value systems to replace Soviet-era structures. It explains the interplay of domestic and international factors that have affected their performance and influenced the balance of their successes and shortcomings. It focuses on the policies pursued by key regional and international actors towards the region and assesses the effects of regional and international rivalries on these states’ development, as well as on the prospects for regional cooperation and conflict resolution. Finally, it analyzes a number regional and international developments which could affect the future trajectory of these states’ evolution.

This book contains 16 papers, presented at the workshop: Non-Traditional Security Threats and Regional Cooperation in the Southern Caucasus, which was held in Istanbul, Turkey in October 2009. Whilst the Cold War did not exclude the existence of other threats, such as environmental hazards, organized crime, terrorism, economic instability and illegal immigration, it is only since the emphasis on East-West rivalry and the specter of nuclear confrontation between the two blocs have diminished that these have become articulated as major sources of concern for global security.

Lying on the periphery of Europe, Russia, Turkey and Iran, and also being of interest to the United States, the South Caucasus is receiving growing attention among decision-makers and scholars of international relations. From a European perspective, the region is now forming a neighbouring area at the border of the Black Sea, as well as a corridor of oil and gas imports whose stability has become part of European security itself. As such, this volume reassesses security in the South Caucasus. It makes it possible to update analysis on security interests, perceptions and policies at national, regional and international levels through cross-national studies. Aimed at highlighting long-term defence and security trends in the region, contributors re-examine their relevance and enduring impact. They also identify changing dynamics under recent geopolitical and political developments in and around the region such as: the enlargements of NATO, the August 2008 Russia-Georgia war, the creation of the EU Eastern Partnership or Presidential elections. One of this volume's distinct contributions is that chapters have been written by experts from inside and around the region, i.e. Armenia, Georgia, Russia and Turkey, with other important contributions provided by authors from France and Canada having extensive experience in the area. Students and scholars of post-Soviet states, Eurasian geopolitics and European Security will find this volume enlightening.

This book devises a new conceptual framework of ‘moral power’ and applies it to the policy of the European Union (EU) towards the South Caucasian states of Armenia, Azerbaijan and Georgia. It covers the period starting from the 1990s to the present and analyses policy domains (democracy promotion, conflict resolution, security, energy, trade) juxtaposing the policy of EU/member states with those of the United States (US), Russia, Turkey, Iran, as well as inter-governmental and regional organizations. ‘Morality’ is unpacked as composed of seven parameters: consequentialism; coherence; consistency; normative steadiness; balance between values and interests; inclusiveness; and external legitimacy. ‘Power’ is branched into ‘potential’, ‘actual’ and ‘actualized’ types. ‘Moral power’ is consequently developed as an objective and neutral framework to capture the foreign policy of an international actor in any geographic area and policy sphere. The book will be useful for students and scholars of International Relations and EU Studies, policy-makers and practitioners.