Civil Society And Lebanon

This study pursues a hermeneutic and dialogic conception of the public sphere. Through a critical assessment of the development of the closely related ideas of civil society and a democratic public sphere, Specifically, this study explores Ibn Khaldoun's notion of Asabiya and its impact on the constitution of civil society and the public sphere in Lebanon, paying particular attention to the notions of power and authority within the context of this indigenous concept in particular, and Lebanese (and Arab) culture in general. "Professor Dawahare has applied a set of complex theories to the Lebanese situation, and the result has been to better explain Lebanese politics as well as to probe new theoretical terrain. The study is comprehensive and represents a better use of theory to produce insights into one of the most complex political systems in the Middle East region than many other recent works on the subject. This book will be of interest to both social theorists and Middle East Scholars." John D. Stempel, Director The Patterson School of Diplomacy and International Commerce, University of Kentucky

Lebanon and Libya have undergone critical political events in recent years. However, demands for reform from civic institutions during these transitions have not led to concrete political decisions. Civil Society and Political Reform in Lebanon and Libya reveals the deeply-entrenched historical patterns and elements of continuity that have led to path dependent outcomes in the political transitions of both countries. Motivated by personal experiences as an activist in Lebanon, the author draws together a wide range of data from participant observations, nation-wide surveys, interviews and focus groups in a careful analysis of these two civil society-led reform campaigns. The study demonstrates how the combination of weak states and power-sharing agreements marginalizes civic organisations and poses institutional constraints on the likelihood of reform. Written by an active participant in the political events discussed, this book offers new insight into two countries which present comparable and informative case studies. As such, it is a valuable resource for students, scholars and policymakers interested in civil society, politics and reform in the Middle East and North Africa.

The Arab Spring in Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, and elsewhere has highlighted the growing importance of the politics of civil society in the contemporary Middle East. In Reproducing Sectarianism, Paul W. T. Kingston examines rights-oriented advocacy networks within Lebanon's postwar civil society, focusing on movements and political campaigns based on gender relations, the environment, and disability. Set within Lebanon's postwar sectarian democracy, whose factionalizing dynamics have long penetrated the country's civil society, Kingston's fascinating study provides an in-depth analysis of the successes and challenges that ensued in promoting rights-oriented social policies. Drawing on extensive field research, including interviews and a wealth of primary documents, Kingston has produced a groundbreaking work that will be of interest to Middle East experts and nonexperts alike.

Sandwiched between Syria and Israel, Lebanon is perhaps fated to be engulfed in the frequent bouts of violence that plague the wider Middle East region. In summer 2006, Beirut found itself once more under siege as Israeli missiles rained upon the capital. More often than not, however, the fighting has been internal - Lebanon has suffered frequent civil wars throughout the nineteenth and twentieth centuries.

The main purpose of this study is to uncover the extent to which Lebanese civil society can contribute to social and political changes and be an agent to the democratization process. The study also aims at presenting an appraisal of the reality of the Lebanese civil society in terms of advocating for changes and reforms according to civil society activists through the case of the "Civil Campaign for Electoral Reform "(CCER). The study contributes to the growing body of research on the role of civil society in democratization process. Interviews were conducted with organizers of CCER in Lebanon and key civil society activists as a method of collecting data. The case of the CCER was chosen a research for the purpose of extracting factors and conclusions from this specific experience and making it available to the general public. Six parameters were used to draw an appraisal of the CCER case and they are: advocacy and campaigning means, methods of awareness dissemination, methods of communication and networking , internal organization , political framework, and socio-economic factors. Results show that civil society organizations in Lebanon have limited influence over state policies and further confirm the literature that most of the civil society organizations impact is through welfare provisioning rather than public and political advocacy. For civil society to be a countervailing power against state domination and corruption, and thus be an agent toward democratization in Lebanon it needs to be better organized and acquire proficiency in networking and associating for cooperative action. It also needs to be more realistic in approaching Lebanese politics given the constraints that confessional consociational politics places on movements of civil society.

This book examines civil society in the Arab world and how authoritarian constraints impact on democratization. It includes case studies from across the region and analyses the divisions between Islamist organizations and secular/liberal ones.

Lebanon is lauded as one of the most democratic states in the region; however, p olitical practice casts doubt on the legitimacy of the system. The objective of this thesis seeks to answer a single question: Based on the established norms o f civil society, is Lebanon viably democratic? I propose that Lebanon does not p ossess a civil society, and thus, due to the inherent relationship between civil society and democracy, Lebanon does not meet the requisite criteria to be consi dered a liberal democracy. Particular social norms - rather than rational plural ism - forged the Lebanese confessional system and function to preclude the estab lishment of civil society. Factors maintaining this state of affairs, such as th e vast stores of authority vested in the communal elite, the cantonization of th e populace, the extra-territorial communities among the dispossessed Palestinian s and armed factions, the preponderance of political ideologies along diverging national interests, and the abuse of external ties and private interests all ser ve to buoy the confessional aspect of Lebanon and ensure the continuation of a d ysfunctional state. Through the use of survey data this thesis attempts to measure the operational indicators of civil society in the hopes of providing empirical support to the a rgument that Lebanon lacks democratic legitimacy. The instrument deals with such predictors as: political integration and a consensual political culture, willi ngness to compromise, pluralism and respect for diversity, rule of law and respe ct for authority, and active political involvement. My assumption held that respondents would demonstrate low levels of national co hesion and pluralistic values, suggesting that Lebanon has not yet achieved the degree of political modernization supportive of a liberal democracy; however, th e survey findings reveal a high degree of integration and tolerance among the re spondents - a surprising find since it undermined certain widely held notions of Lebanese society. Nevertheless, the data also exposes the illegitimacy of the s tate through the particularly low scores on the indices related to justice syste m legitimacy, political involvement, and willingness to grant the state authorit y.

This volume examines Lebanon’s post-2011 security dilemmas and the tenuous civil-military relations. The Syrian civil war has strained the Lebanese Armed Forces’ (LAF) cohesion and threatens its neutrality – its most valued assets in a divided society. The spill-over from the Syrian civil war and Hezbollah’s military engagement has magnified the security challenges facing the Army, making it a target. Massive foreign grants have sought to strengthen its military capability, stabilize the country and contain the Syria crisis. However, as this volume demonstrates, the real weakness of the LAF is not its lack of sophisticated armoury, but the fragile civil–military relations that compromise its fighting power, cripple its neutrality and expose it to accusations of partisanship and political bias. This testifies to both the importance of and the challenges facing multi-confessional armies in deeply divided countries.