Causes And Aftermaths Of The Economic Political And Cultural Migration In The Area Of The Caribbean And Central America During The Xxth Century

This volume examines the phenomenon of mass population migration from the Caribbean to North America and the United Kingdom and the social, cultural, and economic adaptation of the immigrants to their new environments. A central theme of this volume is that twentieth century Caribbean migration is more than the migration of labor in search of jobs; it is also a movement of households and thus affects not only the well-being of family members but also their social relationships. The contributors provide new analytical perspectives on the factors that motivate this movement, and the social, cultural,and economic impact of the movement on the household itself. The volume is divided into three parts. Part I examines the historical movement to the United States and the United Kingdom. The chapters in this section explore the relationship between the character of Caribbean development and the factors motivating the migration of households, the nineteenth century beginnings of twentieth century mass Caribbean migration, and the social and economic experiences of the post-World War II Caribbean immigrants in Britain. Part II looks at the problems of settlement and adaptation in the major urban centers where Caribbean immigrants have tended to concentrate, giving special attention to the status of Caribbean women in the United States and the role of social networks in helping immigrants to adapt to their new surroundings. The final section looks at the problem of illegal migration from the Caribbean to the United States, drawing on data from the annual reports of the Immigration and Naturalization Service. Students, researchers, and policy-makers will find In Search of a Better Life an important contribution to the understanding of the total migration process.

Culling the Masses questions the widely held view that in the long run democracy and racism cannot coexist. David Scott FitzGerald and David Cook-Martín show that democracies were the first countries in the Americas to select immigrants by race, and undemocratic states the first to outlaw discrimination. Through analysis of legal records from twenty-two countries between 1790 and 2010, the authors present a history of the rise and fall of racial selection in the Western Hemisphere. The United States led the way in using legal means to exclude “inferior” ethnic groups. Starting in 1790, Congress began passing nationality and immigration laws that prevented Africans and Asians from becoming citizens, on the grounds that they were inherently incapable of self-government. Similar policies were soon adopted by the self-governing colonies and dominions of the British Empire, eventually spreading across Latin America as well. Undemocratic regimes in Chile, Uruguay, Paraguay, and Cuba reversed their discriminatory laws in the 1930s and 1940s, decades ahead of the United States and Canada. The conventional claim that racism and democracy are antithetical—because democracy depends on ideals of equality and fairness, which are incompatible with the notion of racial inferiority—cannot explain why liberal democracies were leaders in promoting racist policies and laggards in eliminating them. Ultimately, the authors argue, the changed racial geopolitics of World War II and the Cold War was necessary to convince North American countries to reform their immigration and citizenship laws.

The Immigration Reform and Control Act of 1986 (IRCA) was amanifestation of widespread public concern over the volume of undocumentedimmigration into the United States. The principal innovationof this legislation-the provision to impose penalties on employers whoknowingly hire undocumented immigrants-was a response to thisconcern.This effort at restriction was tempered in IRCA by other provisionspermitting the legalization of two types of undocumented immigrantsthosewho had resided in the United States since January 1, 1982; andwhat were called special agricultural workers (SAWs), persons who hadworked in perishable crop agriculture for at least 90 days during specifiedperiods from 1983 to 1986. Approximately 3.1 million persons soughtlegalization (what is popularly referred to as amnesty) under these twoprovisions. The breakdown was roughly 1.8 million under the regularprogram and 1.3 million as SAWs. Mexicans made up 75 percent of thecombined legalization requests.

This book represents the product of a two-year research project and a four-year personal journey to explore the relationship between migration and economic development in the Caribbean area. Does Caribbean immigration to the United States assist or impede the economic development of the Caribbean? Would the curtailment of immigration affect the stability of the Caribbean? Can a certain mix of development strategies significantly reduce the pressures for migration? What can the United States and the Caribbean countries do separately and together to improve the prospects for economic development while permitting migration at manageable levels? This book begins with these questions and ends with some answers.

The Routledge History of Modern Latin American Migration offers a systematic account of population movements to and from the region over the last 150 years, spanning from the massive transoceanic migration of the 1870s to contemporary intraregional and transnational movements. The volume introduces the migratory trajectories of Latin American populations as a complex web of transnational movements linking origin, transit, and receiving countries. It showcases the historical mobility dynamics of different national groups including Arab, Asian, African, European, and indigenous migration and their divergent international trajectories within existing migration systems in the Western Hemisphere, including South America, the Caribbean, and Mesoamerica. The contributors explore some of the main causes for migration, including wars, economic dislocation, social immobility, environmental degradation, repression, and violence. Multiple case studies address critical contemporary topics such as the Venezuelan exodus, Central American migrant caravans, environmental migration, indigenous and gender migration, migrant religiosity, transit and return migration, urban labor markets, internal displacement, the nexus between organized crime and forced migration, the role of social media and new communication technologies, and the effects of the COVID-19 pandemic on movement. These essays provide a comprehensive map of the historical evolution of migration in Latin America and contribute to define future challenges in migration studies in the region. This book will be of interest to scholars of Latin American and Migration Studies in the disciplines of history, sociology, political science, anthropology, and geography.

The link between private corporations and U.S. world power has a much longer history than most people realize. Transnational firms such as the United Fruit Company represent an earlier stage of the economic and cultural globalization now taking place throughout the world. Drawing on a wide range of archival sources in the United States, Great Britain, Costa Rica, and Guatemala, Colby combines "top-down" and "bottom-up" approaches to provide new insight into the role of transnational capital, labor migration, and racial nationalism in shaping U.S. expansion into Central America and the greater Caribbean. The Business of Empire places corporate power and local context at the heart of U.S. imperial history. In the early twentieth century, U.S. influence in Central America came primarily in the form of private enterprise, above all United Fruit. Founded amid the U.S. leap into overseas empire, the company initially depended upon British West Indian laborers. When its black workforce resisted white American authority, the firm adopted a strategy of labor division by recruiting Hispanic migrants. This labor system drew the company into increased conflict with its host nations, as Central American nationalists denounced not only U.S. military interventions in the region but also American employment of black immigrants. By the 1930s, just as Washington renounced military intervention in Latin America, United Fruit pursued its own Good Neighbor Policy, which brought a reduction in its corporate colonial power and a ban on the hiring of black immigrants. The end of the company's system of labor division in turn pointed the way to the transformation of United Fruit as well as the broader U.S. empire.

This anthology represents important and original directions in the study of Caribbean migration. It takes a comparative perspective on the Caribbean people's migratory experiences to North America, Europe, and within the Caribbean. Using a multi-disciplinary approach, the book discusses: * the causes of migration * the experiences of migrants * the historical, cultural and political processes * issues of gender and imperialism * the methodology of migration studies, including oral history.